Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Purification of Memory

The Vilnius address of 8 June 2026 names it as the sole path forward, and holds up the 1965 lifting of the anathemas as its paradigm. The 1965 text itself describes what was lifted.

 

 

On 8 June 2026 the Ecumenical Patriarch addressed the World Apostolic Congress on Mercy in Vilnius, at the invitation of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Vilnius, who also presides over the Council of European Episcopal Conferences. The address was entitled "Ecumenism and Mercy: Overcoming Historical Inertia." The full English text was published on the Patriarchate's own website the following day. What follows works only from that text and from the documents it names.

The address opens with a diagnosis. The division of the Churches, it states, was produced chiefly by the transformation of theology into state ideology, with the message of salvation confined within geographical and political borders. Christian communities are described as having elevated the wounds of the past into structural elements of their self-consciousness. The Capture of Constantinople in 1204 is named. Doctrine is not named among the causes. In the account given, the separation is a historical injury rather than a doctrinal determination.

From that diagnosis a second claim follows, and it is the load-bearing claim of the whole address. Continued separation is described as an ontological dissonance within the divine Economy. Persistence in institutional isolation is said to be equivalent to a denial of the truth that God is revealed as a communion of three persons, and faith in the Triune God is said to be invalidated in practice by the denial of communion with the brother. The maintaining of doctrinal boundaries is attributed to distrust of the renewing power of Pentecost. The address states that what is preferred is "the security of dogmatic borders" over the impetus of the spirit of the Resurrection. (Source: Ecumenical Patriarchate, Vilnius, 8 June 2026.)

The order established by that sequence is worth stating plainly. Communion is placed first, and the confession of faith follows from it. Refusal of communion becomes a failure of charity, and in the terms of the address a practical denial of the Trinity. The canonical tradition establishes the order in the opposite direction. Apostolic Canons 45, 46 and 65, and Canon 33 of the Council of Laodicea, regulate common prayer with those outside the confession of faith, and they presuppose that a shared confession precedes shared prayer rather than producing it. The address does not engage those canons. It does not mention them.

The remedy the address proposes is named once and named as the only one. The sole path toward the restoration of an authentic ecclesiastical ethos is stated to be the purification of memory. Every hesitation in that course is said to deprive humanity of a critical paradigm of forgiveness. The memory in question is not further specified.

The address then supplies its own precedent. It recalls the lifting of the anathemas of 1054 by Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras and Pope Paul VI in December 1965, praises the courage of both men before the unbending circles of their Churches, and states that they overturned a consolidated alienation of nine centuries. That act is offered as the model for what is now being asked. The 1965 text is a public document, and it describes its own scope.

The Joint Catholic-Orthodox Declaration was read simultaneously in Rome and at the Phanar on 7 December 1965. Its second paragraph identifies what was at issue: the sentence of excommunication of 1054 leveled against Patriarch Michael Cerularius and two other persons by the legates of the Roman See under Cardinal Humbert, and the reciprocal sentence pronounced against those legates by the patriarch and the Synod of Constantinople. Its third paragraph then states of those censures that "these censures were not intended to break ecclesiastical communion." (Source: Joint Catholic-Orthodox Declaration, 7 December 1965, paragraph 3.) The declaration records that the censures were directed against the persons concerned and not against the Churches.

So the act now held up as the overturning of nine centuries of alienation was, by the account of the signatories themselves, the withdrawal of personal sentences which those same signatories state were never intended to sever the Churches. The declaration then goes further. Its fifth paragraph records that the gesture is not sufficient to end the old and more recent differences between the two bodies, and that those differences will be overcome through the cleansing of hearts, through regret for historical wrongs, and through an eventual common expression of the faith of the Apostles.

What the 1965 act did not reach is a matter of record. It did not touch the Filioque. It did not touch the claims of universal jurisdiction and papal infallibility. It did not touch the conciliar acts of the East that address those questions, among them the Councils of Constantinople of 1341 and 1351, the synodal repudiation of the Union of Florence at Constantinople in 1484, and the Encyclical of the Eastern Patriarchs of 1848. No conciliar act reversing those determinations appears in the record before or since. The 1965 declaration does not claim one. The 2026 address does not cite one.

The address does cite one assembly. It states that the Church remains unmoved in matters touching the essence of the saving message, and that the Holy and Great Council of 2016 declared this with absolute theological clarity. That sentence stands in the same paragraph as the statement that participation in bilateral and multilateral theological dialogues continues, and that the goal remains the final restoration of unity in right faith and love. Readers who wish to test the guarantee against the guarantor may consult the Crete document on relations with the rest of the Christian world, which addresses what the participating jurisdictions are prepared to call the bodies with which they are not in communion.

One further proposal appears near the end of the address. The protection of the common home is presented as a new work of mercy, and common action in favour of the environment is described as a shared platform opening a tangible space of encounter for all Christian denominations. Ecology is offered as the ground on which the separated may stand together. The confession of faith is not offered as that ground.

Sixty-one years separate the two texts. In 1965 the signatories set down that their gesture was insufficient, and named regret for historical wrongs and the cleansing of hearts as the road that remained. In 2026 the purification of memory is named as the sole path, and the wound that requires healing is the memory of the division itself. The excommunications of 1054 were consigned to oblivion by an act that its own authors said had not broken communion in the first place. The dogmatic file was never opened. It was inherited, and it is still open, and the faithful are now asked not to examine it but to cease remembering it.

 

Sources: Ecumenical Patriarchate, "Ecumenism and Mercy: Overcoming Historical Inertia," Vilnius, 8 June 2026 (ec-patr.org, published 9 June 2026); Joint Catholic-Orthodox Declaration of Pope Paul VI and Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras I, 7 December 1965 (vatican.va); Apostolic Canons 45, 46, 65; Council of Laodicea, Canon 33; Holy and Great Council, Crete, 2016, "Relations of the Orthodox Church with the Rest of the Christian World"; Encyclical of the Eastern Patriarchs, 1848.

Source: https://patristicwitness.com/ArticleDetail?id=6a6801c13c3b29d3b2a421e8

 

The Problem of Uniatism “Shielded from Criticism”

V. Charalambous, theologian | July 28, 2026


 

Unfortunately, the problem of the Unia is continually increasing and becoming more acute. Regrettably, the change in the attitude of certain Orthodox toward the Unia is contributing to this expansion. The increase in the activities of the Uniates, chiefly in the Slavic countries, is a fact.

The Papal Uniates took advantage of the situation following the fall of the atheistic communist regimes and employed—and continue to employ—various means to lead unsuspecting Orthodox Christians into Papism. The outward “attire” of the Uniate leaders alone is sufficient to deceive unsuspecting Orthodox Christians.

The recent favor shown toward the Uniates—not only by the regime in Ukraine, but also by Orthodox who oppose the only Church in Ukraine recognized by the majority of the Local Orthodox Churches—explains much and also contributes to the increase of the Uniates in that country.

It is sufficient merely to take into account the anti-ecclesiastical hostility of the Uniates toward the Autonomous Orthodox Church of Ukraine, as well as toward the Patriarchate of Russia, long before the so-called Unification Council in Ukraine, which brought about the disruption of ecclesiastical unity.

It should also be noted that the Uniates do not confine themselves merely to this “tactic,” but have also violently seized many Orthodox churches. Unfortunately, certain Orthodox have forgotten all this, for obvious reasons.

Have we forgotten the attitude of the Popes toward the Unia? Can we forget the attitude of the Popes toward the Unia? Let us recall that Pope Pius XII (1939–1958), in an encyclical concerning the incorporation into Papism of the Uniates of Ruthenia, who in the United States present themselves as the “Byzantine Catholic Church,” did not confine himself merely to referring to the reception of these Uniates into Papism, but also expressed his sorrow that “the happy day has not yet come when all the peoples of the East will return to the Papal ‘flock.’” Naturally, he also did not fail to refer to the Papal primacy of jurisdiction, to the “See of Peter” as the center of “Catholic unity,” as he characterized it.

Pope Pius XII also noted in his encyclical the concern of Pius X over the emigration of the Uniates of Ruthenia to the United States, because, as he said, they were unfamiliar with the Latin rites. The Pope, who is outside the Church, brazenly expressed the wish that “the happy day may come when all the peoples of the East will return to the Papal ‘flock.’” Is this not, after all, what concerns them? So many of our recent Saints have emphasized this.

Let us recall that Pope John XXIII (1958–1963) emerged as a protector of the Unia through the relevant decree of the Second Vatican Council, Orientalium Ecclesiarum, concerning the so-called “Eastern Catholic Churches,” as the Papists call the Uniate churches, which are neither Churches, nor Eastern, nor Catholic, nor even Byzantine, as they like to call themselves, deceiving unsuspecting Orthodox Christians in their effort to increase their numbers.

Let us recall that Pope Paul VI (1963–1978), in a decree of his (21 November 1964) concerning the rites of the so-called “Eastern Churches,” that is, the Uniates, in which the assertion of the Papal primacy of authority and the “supremacy of the Roman Pontiff” predominates, referred to the role of the Uniates in the “promotion of Christian unity.” Of what unity do they speak? Do they mean unity under the Pope, who is outside the Church? Is this not, after all, what concerns them?

In 2008, Pope Benedict XVI (2005–2013) appointed a Papal “bishop” for the very small number of Uniates in Athens. Certain persons who regard Papism as the “other lung” of the Church, regardless of the fact that Orthodox Ecclesiology teaches otherwise, were not troubled by this.

Anyone who consults Papal sources will perceive the deceitful nature of the creation of the Uniates. In the Das Typisch Katholisch Lexikon, the Uniate “churches” are deceitfully described as “churches that possess the Orthodox Tradition,” with the addition that they are united with Rome. The Uniates are indeed united with Papism, but they certainly do not possess the Orthodox Tradition.

This reference also demonstrates how the Orthodox Tradition is understood within Papism. When they confuse the Orthodox Tradition with Uniate “attire,” or with other practices of the Uniates, what can one say? This also proves that Papism will never abandon its errors. And, naturally, the Unia, with this “attire,” will continue to deceive unsuspecting Orthodox Christians.

The Papists “know” this quite well, which is why they agreed to “condemn” the Unia in Vienna, at the meeting between Orthodox and Papists in 1990. It should be noted, however, that although the Unia was condemned in Vienna at the meeting between Orthodox and Papists in 1990, and at Freising in the same year, unfortunately, in the Balamand text the Uniate “churches” are called “Eastern Catholic Churches,” thereby nullifying their previous condemnation. Unfortunately, the Papal “protection” of the Unia leaves no room for hope that the Papists will change their stance on this matter.

What is even more lamentable is that, after the so-called Unification Council in Ukraine, which brought about the disruption of ecclesiastical unity, certain Orthodox forgot the deceitfulness of the Uniates, leaving the Unia beyond criticism and confining themselves to an anti-ecclesiastical polemic against the Russian Church and against the only Orthodox Church in Ukraine recognized by the majority of the Local Orthodox Churches.

Consequently, such an attitude contributes to the expansion of the Unia. The hostility of certain Orthodox toward the Patriarchate of Russia and toward the only Orthodox Church in Ukraine recognized by the majority of the Local Orthodox Churches makes the shielding of the Unia from criticism even more dangerous.

 

Greek source: https://aktines.blogspot.com/2026/07/blog-post_67.html

The Mission of the Greek People – Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) of Kiev and Galicia (+1936)

On the 90th Anniversary of his repose

 

The Ever-Memorable Metropolitan Anthony at the Holy Monastery of St. Panteleimon on Mount Athos (4-9-1920)

 

Homily Delivered in the Metropolitan Cathedral of Athens on April 5, 1920

Today the Holy Church calls to mind that event in the earthly life of our Lord Jesus Christ in which, for the first time, a mouth of man called Him God. For such a confession, the holy Apostle Thomas is extolled today in various ways in the hymns of the Church, for faith in the Divinity of Jesus Christ is the principal dogma of Christianity; and in this sense one may say that, on the day of Antipascha, the beginning of the Christian faith among men is celebrated.

Everyone knows that, until Christ, the Jewish people possessed the true faith; yet they continually departed from it and betrayed their Lord, being led astray by the idolatry of the neighboring peoples, who attracted them by the superiority of their civilization, despite their inner corruption and moral degradation. Israel was unable to perceive this, just as it was unable to appreciate its own immense moral superiority over its neighbors, until the Lord chastened it by the grievous seventy-year captivity among the Gentiles, after which Israel became impervious to its former temptation. Unfortunately, however, it gave itself over to the opposite extreme and became so deeply possessed by contempt and hatred for the other peoples that it was unable to recognize the long-awaited Messiah, Who brought the proclamation of the reconciliation of all men and peoples. Instead, it rejected Him and was itself rejected by God, and the words of Jesus Christ were fulfilled: “The Kingdom of God shall be taken from you, and given to a nation bringing forth the fruits thereof” (Matt. 21:43).

And which language, which people received the Kingdom of God according to these words? Many, very many peoples—but preeminently the Greek people, in whose language the Holy Spirit was pleased that the Gospels and, in general, all the books of the New Testament should be written by the hands of the Apostles, as likewise the canons of the holy Apostles, and, by the hands of the Fathers, the divinely inspired decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. Like ancient Israel, the Greek people also, for their strengthening in the faith, endured captivity and conquest by the enemies of Christ—not merely for seventy years, but for five hundred and six hundred years, and in some parts of their land for more than a thousand years. During those centuries of suffering, the people, strengthened in the Christian faith and in Christian patience, proved themselves a worthy firstborn of the Christian Church and, certainly, most fully worthy not only of that freedom and glory which they have received in the present time, but also worthy to restore once again the ancient Byzantine Empire, with Constantinople as its capital and with the Patriarchal throne in Hagia Sophia.

But at the very time when pleasing and splendid prospects are unfolding before Hellenism, it must not close its eyes to those dangers which confront it in its new and glorious position. They are the very same dangers to which ancient Israel was exposed before its captivity. For the Greek people, these dangers have arisen after its liberation from Mohammedan captivity.

The Greeks are now entering into contact with the European peoples, who are more highly civilized, but who have lost the fullness of Christian truth and have fallen away from the Church of Christ. The Greeks borrow, and will continue to borrow, from them the technical advances of commerce, industry, agriculture, and other fields. All these things are good; but God forbid that the Orthodox Greeks, like the Jews of old, while adopting these improvements of earthly existence, should cease to appreciate, or should forget, the immense and incomparable superiority bestowed upon them by God—that is, the holy Faith and Orthodox virtue. It is well known that Western life differs from the life of the Orthodox peoples not merely in certain corruptions of dogmas and canons. No, for the fall of the West has proceeded more deeply. The driving forces of its civilization possess a plainly pagan character; the life of the West, its conceptions and tendencies, differ little from those of ancient pagan Rome. There, the first and chief commandment of the New Testament, the commandment of humility, has not merely been forgotten, but utterly abolished: “Blessed are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.” As in ancient Rome, so also in the modern West, man’s sinful egoism has been elevated into a virtue, and senseless combinations of unrelated words have been devised, such as “noble pride.” And yet the West delights in speaking of philanthropy; but hearts filled with egoism are incapable of it. Cold and vainglorious philanthropy does not unite men, but divides and separates them.

It would be a great misfortune for the Greeks if they were to begin not only to receive telephones and phonographs from the West, but also to adopt that harsh, egoistic, and proud spirit by which the peoples of the West are guided both in private and in public life. May no such thing occur. May the Greek people, in their freedom and in their future political glory, preserve all the treasures of the spirit which they did not squander, but rather increased, during the days of affliction and the centuries of servitude: that Christian enthusiasm, that inclination toward struggles, that breadth of soul, that evangelical compassion for the poor and strangers, those virtues which they have always possessed and which, in these days, they are abundantly manifesting toward their Russian brethren in the Faith. Yet the sacred mission which Divine Providence has entrusted to the Greeks is not limited to these holy qualities.

What do I mean by these last words? This: tomorrow, April 6, is the commemoration of two great Greeks, zealous fulfillers of the aforesaid mission of the great Nation: the commemoration of the Equal-to-the-Apostles Methodius, teacher of the Slavs and Khazars, and of his contemporary, the blessed Photius, Ecumenical Patriarch. Imitating these two great men in the enlightenment of all peoples through Orthodox Christianity, and repelling every emerging heresy and every schism, the Greek people, while expanding and strengthening their state, ought to regard this secular work, though great, as secondary; and as their first and principal mission they ought to regard the preservation and strengthening of Orthodoxy and that spirit of lofty asceticism by which, in antiquity, their compatriots, the teachers of the inhabited world, enlightened the world, and which, to this day, the finest Greek ascetics, monks, and theologians hold forth not only to their own people, but also to all the Orthodox nations. For, if the French succeeded in making their Paris the world capital of fashion, the English and the Americans London and New York the world capitals of technology, and the Germans Berlin the world capital of the sciences, the Greeks, a thousand years ago, made the Holy Mountain the world capital of asceticism and piety, where even now representatives of all the Orthodox peoples—Greeks, Russians, Serbs, Bulgarians, Romanians, and Georgians—are spiritually perfected in the service of Christ and dwell together in friendship. Unity in Christ triumphs there over differences of blood; divine truth and eternal salvation are set forth there as the principal and almost sole object of the aspirations of the monastic communities and of individual persons.

Let the Greeks guide along this same path not only the life of the Athonite monks, but also, insofar as possible, that of all the Orthodox peoples, so that they may understand themselves as one people of God, as was also the case in antiquity, in the times of the holy martyrs, whose lives were usually concluded with the following words: “These things took place when the impious Decius reigned over the Romans, but over us the Lord Jesus Christ.”

May the Orthodox Greeks and the other Orthodox peoples, free from heterodox influence, regard themselves as constituting one Kingdom of Christ, one Church—His Body (John 2:28; Col. 1:18), one new man, as the holy Apostle Paul taught us, in whom there is no place for racial enmity or national fanaticism, and may the emulation among men and peoples be an emulation in love (Rom. 13:8).

Nevertheless, do not suppose, Orthodox Greeks, that such a disposition can diminish your patriotism or the development of your national spirit. On the contrary, the national spirit, intellectual abilities, and creative powers of peoples advance when their patriotism is not egoistic but idealistic and religious—when the fatherland appears to her children not merely as the most precious thing in the world, but as the union of her children for lofty, universal, and ecclesiastical purposes. It was precisely under such conditions that the sciences and arts, and even military power itself, flourished in the history not only of the Orthodox peoples but also of others. In such glorious epochs the national character is formed and attains its highest development. By contrast, national fanaticism causes national abilities to wither, and men, casting off their finest national traits, acquire the character of narrow egoism devoid of true national feeling. May this not happen to you, Orthodox Greeks. Rather, may the holy Faith and religious enthusiasm be preserved and developed within you—an enthusiasm that will attract and draw toward Christian Hellenism not only your fellow countrymen, but also all peoples, Orthodox and heterodox, who come to know you, so that in the future also the inhabited world may be taught by you the true Christianity, just as in antiquity, on this present day, mankind was taught it through the response of the Apostle Thomas, filled with faith: “My Lord and my God.”

 

Source: Η ΚΑΙΝΗ ΔΙΔΑΧΗ [The New Teaching], vol. II, Athens, 1920, pp. 357–361.

Greek source online: https://krufo-sxoleio.blogspot.com/2026/07/1936.html

Monday, July 27, 2026

Elders Paisios and Porphyrios on the Old Calendarist Elder (St.) Ieronymos of Aegina


 

 

(Letter of the Ever-Memorable Elder Paisios)

IC XC
NI KA

Precious Cross

“Saint Anna is our help” 25 July 1976

Sister Sotiria, “Rejoice in the Lord.”

I received your letter, and I was very pleased with your good endeavor.

Unfortunately, I did not know the holy Elder, Father Ieronymos of Aegina, personally. What you should add to this good endeavor of yours (besides your own information and that of others) would be to give it first to Father Porphyrios to read before publication, in order to ascertain whether he truly meant what you wrote (in your notes), so that the Saintly Father may not be misrepresented.

Our good endeavor and education alone are not sufficient unless there is also an inner affinity, because otherwise we would interpret things according to each person’s different vocabulary.

I am writing these things to you concerning Father Porphyrios because the spiritual gift of the one resembles that of the other.

I shall pray that the work may be done well, so that the holy Father may once again appear to his children (now from on high), in order to help them more effectively and that the name of God may be glorified. Amen.

May Christ and the Theotokos be with you,
and may the Saintly Father help you.

Monk Paisios

* * *

Before initially submitting the work On Elder Ieronymos to the publishing house, I also asked the ever-memorable Elder Paisios of the Holy Mountain, by letter, to inform me whether he knew anything about Elder Ieronymos and what his opinion was concerning the writing of the book.

Elder Paisios—may his prayers now accompany us also from where he is—replied to me with his blessed letter, reproduced at the end, in which, on the one hand, he prayed that “the work may be done well, etc.,” and, on the other, advised that Father Porphyrios (of Oropos) should read it beforehand, because “the spiritual gift of the one resembles that of the other.”

The ever-memorable Elder, Father Porphyrios, out of humility, when I asked him by telephone to review the text and give his blessing for its printing, replied to me:

“Who is writing the Preface?”

I answered him: “Mr. Paschos, Elder; you know him.”

And he replied: “Since Mr. Paschos, who is also a university professor, has seen it and is writing the preface, there is no need for me, an uneducated man.”

Then, when I hesitantly reminded him, “Elder, what are we to do now, since Father Paisios writes that you too must examine it?”

At that point, the great and holy Elder Porphyrios, obeying the Athonite Father Paisios, said:

“Very well, take the text and read it to me over the telephone wherever I tell you. Read fifteen pages from the beginning. Ten pages after page 65. Ten pages after page 100. Ten pages after page 150. Skip fifty pages and read to me.…”

He listened with great attention to the pages that he indicated and that I read to him over the telephone. He suggested that certain words be corrected. In particular, concerning the word “anxiety,” which appears somewhere, he said to me emphatically:

“Man, erase that word! It must not appear in your book! A Christian is permitted neither to feel it nor to utter it. There is no anxiety for the believer!”

Then, at the end of the reading of the excerpts, he said with some satisfaction:

“Now it is all right; you may send it to the printer. With my blessing.”

Therefore, with the prayer and blessing of these two holy Elders as well, and with Elder Ieronymos’s loving thirst for the admonition and salvation of souls, which he manifested so intensely during his lifetime, how could these humble words concerning Elder Ieronymos and his wise counsels fail to permeate, benefit, and sweeten anyone who applies himself to them with zeal and love?

 

 

Sotiria Nousi — Elder Ieronymos of Aegina


Greek source: https://entoytwnika1.blogspot.com/2026/07/blog-post_08.html


ADDENDUM

From Facebook (translated from the original Greek):

Dimitrios Katsouras (post of 27 July 2026): Most obviously, the G.O.C. are not heretics. They are uncompromising Orthodox Christians. Indeed, from within their ecclesiastical community, a multitude of Saints has arisen over the past one hundred years (a new book of ours is forthcoming, presenting a dozen such venerable figures—Hierarchs, Priests, monastics, and laypeople). I offer you my personal testimony from a conversation I had with Elder Porphyrios, who specifically named the Old Calendarist Elder Monk Moses [of Athikia]—who had also lived the ascetic life on the Holy Mountain and who reposed in Corinthia—as a great Saint and one who had attained theosis! Indeed, he asked me for his photograph, which I brought to him, and he placed it, in the presence of his sister, the nun Porphyria, among the Icons in his cell at Milesi. Consequently, the opinion attributed to Elder Porphyrios concerning the calendar was his own personal assessment; he himself, however, under no circumstances regarded the G.O.C. as heretics, but recognized grace and sanctity within the G.O.C., as stated above. We all have human weaknesses and deficiencies. Let us not, however, be fanatical, nor use virtuous and holy persons in order to impose our own views. Let it not be forgotten that Elder Porphyrios’s Elders on the Holy Mountain were Zealots—that is, Old Calendarists! Likewise, Saint John the Romanian, an ascetic in the desert of Hozeva, whose relics were uncovered incorrupt, whole, and fragrant, was a faithful observer of the Patristic Calendar/festal calendar and would not concelebrate with clergy who followed the New Calendar. He also broke communion with the Patriarchate of Jerusalem for this reason, as well as because of joint prayers with Papists. The Patriarchate, of course, recognized him as a Saint “out of necessity,” because of his incorrupt sacred Body and his many posthumous miracles. Our final humble conclusion is this: It is not pleasing to God for New Calendarists and Old Calendarists to accuse one another with malice and fanaticism. Prudence and discernment are needed. Instead of opposing one another, the New Calendarists should struggle for the healing of the division and schism caused by the calendar innovation and its uncanonical imposition, while the Old Calendarists should continue their struggle with Patristic discernment, speaking the truth to all in love and courteously enlightening our fellow countrymen who follow the New Calendar that the enemy of Orthodoxy is antichristian Papism and the anti-Church, pan-heretical Ecumenism, which we can confront effectively only when united in the Truth and joined together in love according to God.

Comment of Nikolaos Mannis: Persons who knew Saint Porphyrios confirmed to me that he likewise regarded Elder Ieronymos of Aegina and Papa-Chrysanthos Vrettaros as Saints.

Comment of Panagiotis Kokkalidis: I also offer my personal testimony that Elder Aimilianos of Simonopetra likewise kept a photograph of Elder Ieronymos on his desk in the abbot’s quarters, in a prominent place. I also believe that, in one of the two books about Elder Ieronymos, there is a reference to Elder Aimilianos as a deacon, although his name is not specifically mentioned.


Renovationism

From Not of this World: The Life and Teaching of Fr. Seraphim Rose by Monk Damascene Christensen (Chapter 61, pp. 464-476)



 

A man who does not express a desire to link himself to the latest of the saints (in time) in all love and humility owing to a certain distrust in himself, will never be linked to the preceding saints and will not be admitted to their succession, even though he thinks he possesses all possible faith and love for God and for all His saints.  He will be cast out of their midst, as one who refused to take humbly the place allotted to him by God before all time, and to link himself to that latest saint (in time) as God had disposed.

 

- St. Symeon the New Theologian

 

Father Seraphim lived at a time when there was talk among scholars and intellectuals of a fashionable “Patristic revival.”  This was a positive phenomenon in that many rare Patristic texts were being made known in the modern world; but Fr. Seraphim was also to see its dangers.  Having himself learned how to approach the Orthodox Tradition through a direct, living transmission from saints, he was unhappily though inevitably set at odds with scholars and theologians who had not received such a transmission.  These people, he said, were creating “a whole new approach to Orthodoxy”; and his times demanded that he speak out.

The new breed of scholars came first of all from the so-called “Parisian” school of Orthodox thought, composed mostly of members of the Russian intelligentsia.  While in Russia, some of these people had helped pave the way for the revolution.  (One, Peter Struve, had even been the translator of Marx’s Das Kapital into Russian.)  Seeing the horrors this would bring, they had repented of their work for the Marxist cause.  But it was too late: the horrors did come, and they all fled the country.  They formed an émigré community in Paris, and in their philosophy attempted a return to their cultural and religious heritage.  When they came to Orthodoxy, however, it was largely to an Orthodoxy of their own devising.  They looked down their noses at the “popular piety” of the “masses,” which they felt they had to refine according to their superior knowledge and intellectual expertise.  The most famous thinkers of this school were Nicholas Berdayaev and Fr. Sergius Bulgakov, who, in trying to be original, defended a whole system of heretical ideas which were later condemned by the Russian Church both in the Soviet Union and in the free world.  The next generation of thinkers was more subdued and careful; they would never fall into teachings so foreign to the Church.  In many respects, however, they shared the same general approach.  Some of them came to America, bringing that with them.  Chief among them was Fr. Alexander Schmemann.

Fr. Schmemann came to New York from Paris in 1951, and very soon became the unrivaled ideologue of the American Metropolia.  There were many things which he felt needed changing.  Like his predecessors, he was critical of “old-fashioned piety,” particularly that of pre-revolutionary Russia.  He believed this “piety” (the very word he used in a pejorative sense) was the result of unfortunate “cultural accretions” which had to be reevaluated and stripped off in layers by modern scholars.  He said that Orthodoxy had come under “Western captivity,” that its theology had been completely dominated by “Western influences” in recent centuries.  He spoke of finding “new ways of Russian theology,” of intellectually “mastering history” and thus “restoring” Orthodoxy to what he regarded as its pure form.  This, he said, was the task of the new theological “movement” that had sprung up in the 1920’s to supersede the old, “antiquated” understanding of Orthodoxy.  As Fr. Seraphim put it: “For Fr. Schmemann, the whole of Orthodoxy is transformed into a series of tremendously important ‘problems’ to which only a few of the academically elite have the approach to any ‘solutions.’”

Fr. Schememann believed that much could be gained for Orthodoxy in place of the old-world mentality.  He and his colleagues wanted Orthodoxy to be recognized by the big names in contemporary theology and the ecumenical movement, to address problems in the Western Christian “dialogue” in a fresh and exciting way.  To do this, they naturally resonated the theological fashions which were then in the air, making use of the new catch words and phrases such as “crisis” and, following Teilhard de Chardin, the “sanctification of the world.”

One of the currents of “progressive” Christianity was the disparagement of what was now termed “private virtue.”  Thomas Merton had been one of the first to take part in this, and Fr. Schmemann also reflected it, claiming that Orthodox piety had become too self-centered and individualistic, too concerned with the personal salvation of individual souls.  Compared with famous figures like Thomas Merton and Patriarch Athenagoras, however, Fr. Schmemann was more guarded in his conclusions.  He did not accept all the ramifications of the main contemporary currents of thought, but worked to effect an enlightened “synthesis” between these currents and Orthodoxy.  Very quickly he gained widespread recognition as a “dynamic and articulate spokesman of Orthodoxy.”

Fr. Herman had encountered Fr. Schmemann’s books when he was at Jordanville.  As he explained: “When I came to Jordanville, I read three books which were bound up with my conversion: the life of St. Seraphim, the Life of Elder Ambrose of Optina, and The Way of the Pilgrim.  I found that the most interesting thing about Christianity is the ascetics, because they make all of Christ’s talk about the Kingdom of God make sense.  And then someone said, ‘If you really want to know what’s happening in Orthodoxy today, read Schmemann.’  So I read it, and I was bored.  I read more, and I was still bored.  I wondered what was wrong.  And then I figured it out.  He speaks abstractly, albeit eloquently, not from experience, like the ascetics.  And then I thought: Big deal.  I could do the same – read books and think about them.  It was to-dimensional, while the saints are three-dimensional, because they have sought and attained the Kingdom of God and His righteousness.  They try their best to get it across to us, and it’s only our denseness that prevents us from understanding their experience.”

Fr Seraphim had an even stronger reaction to modern academic theology.  Once, when Fr. Herman read to him from some recent theological journal, Fr. Seraphim became indignant.  “If you read too much of that,” he said, “you may begin to take it seriously, which will detract from the power of the true spiritual texts which gave you life.”  We have seen how Fr. Seraphim had left the modern academic world because it was not governed by a love of Truth and had degenerated into “playing around with ideas.”  Here, he felt, were people doing much the same to the most precious thing in the world to him: Orthodox Christianity.  Like modern scholars in other fields, they had to “kill” their subject, take away its pulsing life, before they could dissect and study it.  Often their talk seemed a mere juggling of loaded theological terms, deprived of concrete application.

Of course, some of their writings and lectures were better than others.  But as Fr. Seraphim noted, “the message of even the best lecturers and writers today seems strangely powerless, without spiritual force.”  In an article for The Orthodox Word, he explained why:

“Orthodoxy today, with its priests and theologians and faithful, has become worldly.  The young people who come from comfortable homes and either accept or seek… a religion that is not remote from the self-satisfied life they have known; the professors and lecturers whose milieu is the academic world where, notoriously, nothing is accepted as ultimately serious, a matter of life or death; the very academic atmosphere of self-satisfied worldliness – all these factors join together to produce an artificial, hothouse atmosphere in which, no matter what might be said concerning exalted Orthodox truths or experiences, by the very context in which it is said and by virtue of the worldly orientation of both speaker and listener, it cannot strike to the depths of the soul and produce the profound commitment which used to be normal to Orthodox Christians…

“In the Russian emigration, the ‘theologians’ of the new school, who are eager to be in harmony with the intellectual fashions, to quote the latest Roman Catholic or Protestant scholarship, to adopt the whole ‘casual’ tone of contemporary life and especially of the academic world – have been aptly called ‘theologians with a cigarette.’…  Their message has no power, because they themselves are entirely of this world and address worldly people in a worldly atmosphere – from all this it is not Orthodox exploits that come, but only idle talk and empty, pompous phrases.” [1]

Writing about an 80-year-old “living link” in Australia, the aforementioned Fr. Nicholas Deputatov, Fr. Seraphim noted that such true theologians “are not, as a rule, to be found in Orthodox academies, nor in pompous ‘theological conferences.’  They are to be sought in humbler places, and usually they will not bear the name ‘theologian.’  They themselves would not presume to call their handing down the Orthodox Theological tradition anything more than ‘faithfulness to the Holy Fathers’ – but it is just this faithfulness and this humility that mark them out as bearers of the authentic tradition of Orthodoxy – qualities which are lacking in the most renowned ‘Orthodox theologians’ today.” [2]

As early as 1957, Fr. Seraphim had read in the writings of Rene Guenon about modern scholars who look into traditional religion to find “something that can be made to fit the framework of their own outlook,” and then claim that this represents the “primitive and true” form of the religion, “whereas the remaining forms, according to them, are but comparatively late corruptions.” [3] This, as Fr. Seraphim understood, was exactly the approach of the modernist Orthodox spokesmen.  They were not at all restoring Orthodoxy to some lost purity, but were instead “renovating” it to conform to modern prejudices.  While disclaiming the fruits of the Reformation, they were in effect doing what Guenon had said of Protestantism: “exposing revelation to all the discussions which follow in the wake of purely human interpretations… [giving] birth to that dissolving ‘criticism’ which, in the hands of so-called ‘historians of religion,’ has become a weapon of offense against all religion.’”

In his book Introduction to Orthodox Liturgical Theology, Fr. Schmemann had critiqued the whole substance of Orthodox worship in a manner that appeared more Protestant than Orthodox.  Relying on Western, non-Orthodox sources, he yet claimed to have escaped the “Western captivity” of Liturgics.  He rejected the traditional Orthodox view that the history of worship was “divinely established and Providential,” and looked upon it rather as the result of mere historical circumstances.  Like Protestant scholars, he put the changes that occurred at the beginning of the Constantinian era in a dubious light, regarding them not as new forms of the expression of the same piety but rather as a reformation of the interpretation of worship and a deviation from the early Christian liturgical spirit and forms.  The true, “eschatological” nature of worship, he said, had been partially obscured by “mysteriological piety” and “symbolical explanations,” as well as by the “ascetic individualism” arising largely from monasticism.  Accordingly, the theological idea of the cycle of services had been “obscured and eclipsed by secondary strata in the Ordo,” and it remained for modern theologians to find it again.  This “secondary strata” consisted of precisely those elements which Protestantism has disowned – the Mysteries as a source of individual sanctification, the division of clergy and laity, the distinction between church feasts and “ordinary days,” the glorification of saints, the veneration of relics, etc. – elements which Fr. Schmemann referred to by such terms as the “cult of mysteries” and the “cult of saints.”  He expressed doubts as to “the complete liturgical soundness of Orthodoxy,” decried the present “liturgical piety,” and claimed that the Church was in a “liturgical crisis.”

As could be expected, Fr. Schmemann’s book was acclaimed by non-Orthodox scholars.  Its approach was quite disturbing, however, to one of Fr. Herman’s teachers at Jordanville, Fr. Michael Pomazansky.  Being one of the last living theologians to have graduated from the theological academies of pre-Revolutionary Russia, Fr. Michael felt called upon to write an article on Fr. Schmemann’s book.  Originally printed in Russian, the article was translated by Fr. Seraphim and printed in The Orthodox Word.  Fathers Seraphim and Herman thought it was excellently written: evenhanded, with clear expositions of Orthodox teaching to contrast with Fr. Schmemann’s distortions.

About the author of Introduction to Orthodox Liturgical Theology, Fr. Michael wrote: “He pays tribute to the method that reigns completely in contemporary science: leaving aside the idea of an overshadowing of Divine grace, the concept of sanctity of those who established the liturgical order, he limits himself to a naked chain of causes and effects.  Thus does positivism intrude nowadays into Christian science, into the sphere of the Church’s history in all its branches.  But if the positivists’ method is acknowledged as a scientific working principle in science, in the natural sciences, one can by no means apply it to living tradition, nor to every sphere of the life of Christianity and the Church, insofar as we remain believers.” [4]

It may be argued that Fr. Schmemann was inwardly not as Protestant as he appeared, that he was only trying to get the attention of heterodox theologians by writing in the key of modern academia, with its pretensions at “objectivity.”  At the canonization of St. Herman, for example, when he personally experienced the maximum expression of the “cult of saints,” he said he felt “the whole substance of faith.”  Reading this in an article, Fr. Seraphim wrote: “His heart is still Orthodox… but with his mind he is leading the ‘reform’ of the Metropolia and of Orthodoxy that will precisely make it impossible for future generations to feel what he felt… In all fairness, it should be noted that Fr. Schmemann probably does not see himself as a ‘reformer,’ and it will doubtless be left to other less sensitive souls, another generation removed from the life of genuine Orthodoxy, to draw the inevitable iconoclastic conclusions from Fr. Schmemann’s already Protestant views.” [5] In the words of Rene Guenon: “once launched, the revolt against the traditional outlook could not be arrested in mid-course.”

It should also be said that Fr. Schmemann’s “reforms” were actually a sincere attempt on his part to improve the morale of contemporary parishes.  In one article he wrote that the Metropolia’s “financial bankruptcy only reveals and reflects its spiritual state – a state of apathy and demoralization.”  He correctly diagnosed the disease, but, in Fr. Seraphim’s view, he gave the wrong cure.  The chief hierarch of the Metropolia, Ireney, had been trying to help matters by salvaging at least some parts of the liturgical practice of the Russian Church.  But Fr. Schmemann believed that the nominal parishioners would even find this minimum unmeaningful.  “He believes,” wrote Fr. Seraphim, “the Typicon must be revised in light of our knowledge of its historical development, of other traditions, and the like.  In a word, the services must be made somehow palatable to spiritually bankrupt people!  Fr. Schmemann takes a bad situation and makes it worse, advocating the establishment of a new typicon, a lower standard – which the next generation of the Metropolia will undoubtedly likewise find ‘unmeaningful’ and too demanding!” [6]

Elsewhere Fr. Seraphim wrote that the new breed of Orthodox “adapts the faith to the present low level of spiritual awareness; there are exceptions, of course, but that is the general trend.”

This could also be seen when reform-minded Orthodox gathered in 1971 to prepare for an “Eighth Ecumenical Council,” a council which was supposed to do for Orthodoxy what Vatican II had done for Roman Catholicism.  One of the reports on the agenda, entitled, “Revision of the Ecclesiastical Prescription Concerning Fasting, in Conformity with the needs of our Epoch,” proposed that, since most Orthodox believers do not keep the whole Orthodox fast, the fast should be made easier to suit them, “in order to avoid the problems of conscience create by the violation of the severe ecclesiastical prescriptions.”

“Such an approach,” wrote Fr. Seraphim, “is totally un-Orthodox, and constitutes an obvious and crude imitation of the reform spirit of the Latin church, which ended by abolishing fasting altogether.  The Orthodox rule of fasting is not intended to ‘avoid problems of conscience,’ but rather to call believers to a difficult, inspiring and humbling standard of Christian life; if they fall short of the standard, then at least they can see how far their life is from the standard, the norm, which always remains the same.  The Papal idea, based on the corrupt modern principle of spiritual self-satisfaction, is either to give a special ‘dispensation’ from the standard (an idea which has already entered some Orthodox jurisdictions), or else to change the standard itself so that the believer can fulfill it easily and thereby obtain a sense of self-satisfaction from ‘obeying the law.’  This is precisely the difference between the Publican and the Pharisee: the Orthodox man feels himself constantly a sinner because he falls short of the Church’s exalted standard (in spirit if not in letter), whereas the ‘modern’ man wishes to feel himself justified, without any twinge of conscience over falling short of the Church’s standard.” [7]

Fr. Seraphim, then, saw that the cure for apathy lay not in dissecting Orthodoxy into pieces, but in setting up the whole of its tradition as a goal towards which people could strive.  “We, the last Christians,” he wrote, “are far from the normal life of Orthodox piety; how much, therefore, must we struggle in order to get back to that normal life!  But how inspiring is the path of it!”  “Enlightened” criticism of Orthodox piety only distracts people from the main concern.  As Fr. Seraphim observed, what is needed is “a priest of the ‘old-fashioned’ mentality, on fire with Orthodoxy and so desirous for the salvation of his flock that he will not excuse their sins and worldly habits but is constantly urging them up to a higher spiritual life.” [8]

With pain Fr. Seraphim and Herman watched the new ‘American” Church that Fr. Schmemann, in his own sincere way, was striving to create.  Since America has no deep, long-standing Orthodox roots, the greatest danger in this lay in cutting off the roots of living tradition.  Fr. Seraphim stated, Fr. Schmemann was paving the way for a rootless Orthodoxy for new generations of Americans who “will not even know what they have lost.”  He was seeking to build American Orthodoxy on the autonomous “theology” of modern scholars rather than on a living transmission of spiritual wisdom from holy bearers of the tradition.  Fr. Seraphim knew from experience how vital that transmission was: without it he would never have entered the “heart of hearts,” the deeper dimension of Orthodox life for which it was worth giving up “all that is in the world.”  Once this transmission was lost, it could not be restored.

Fr. Schmemann was ignoring the “living links” by which alone, according to the teaching of St. Symeon the New Theologian, he could be tied to the ancient saints.  He said the idea of “Holy Russia” was just romantic nostalgia.  And its brightest luminaries – those whom Providence had washed onto American shores – represented to him an immigrant parochialism and an obsolete, “apocalyptic” piety unsuited to what he regarded as “the mission of Orthodox theology today.”  As a case in point, not twenty miles from his home in New York lived Fr. Adrian, that link with the Optina Elders and a clairvoyant spiritual guide himself, who was very open-minded with regard to thinkers like Fr. Schmemann.  Although Fr. Schmemann knew about him, he chose to receive his wisdom from modern institutes instead.

It was from the example of the new breed of theologians that Fr. Seraphim first beheld how perilous was the attitude of “knowing better”:  nothing so hindered one from receiving the living tradition.  “In our confused days,” he wrote, “when a hundred conflicting voices claim to speak for Orthodoxy, it is essential to know whom one can trust as spokesman for true Orthodoxy.  It is not enough to claim to speak for Patristic Orthodoxy: one must be in the genuine tradition of the Holy Fathers, not merely ‘rediscovering’ them in a modern academy or seminary, but actually receiving their tradition from one’s own fathers.  A merely clever explainer of Patristic doctrine is not in this tradition, but only one who, not trusting his own judgment or that of his peers, is constantly asking of his own fathers what is the proper approach to and understanding of the Holy Fathers.”

After Archbishop John’s death, Fr. Seraphim’s own guide to the Holy Father’s had been Archbishop Averky, to whom Archbishop John had once told the brothers to turn whenever they had questions.  “Archbishop Averky,” Fr. Seraphim wrote, “is in the genuine patristic tradition as few other living Orthodox fathers.  A disciple of great 20th century theologian and holy hierarch, Archbishop Theophan of Poltava, Archbishop Averky is a bearer and transmitter, in  a direct and unbroken line of Orthodox theologians, of the genuine Patristic doctrine which is in danger of being eclipsed by today’s generation of Western-educated proud ‘young theologians.’  In recent years his voice has resounded and thundered as never before… as he strives to give the true Orthodox teaching to Orthodox Christians who are rapidly losing the salt of Orthodoxy.” [9]

Archbishop Averky himself addressed the phenomenon of the new theologians.  “Alas!” he wrote.  “How few people there are in our times, even among the educated, and at times even among contemporary ‘theologians’ and those in the ranks of clergy, who understand what Orthodoxy is and wherein its essence lies.  They approach this question in an utterly external, formal manner and resolve it too primitively, even naively, overlooking its depths completely and not seeing the fullness of its spiritual contents.” [10]

One difference between a modern Holy Father like Archbishop Averky and a mere explainer of Patristic doctrine was their respective attitudes toward the apocalyptic and prophetic aspects of Orthodoxy.  Being in a direct line of prophets, Archbishop Averky did not hesitate to impart what to the lovers of this world might be a hard saying.  Modern academic theology, on the other hand, was already too much a part of the world to do this.  “If the Christian faith is indeed eschatological,” Fr. Schmemann wrote, “it is precisely not apocalyptic…. Apocalypticism is truly a heresy.”  Not only Archbishop Averky, but all the holy people Fr. Seraphim had known had a very sober view of imminent tribulations and deceptions.  The new theologians demonstrated their foreignness to this traditional outlook by calling such people ‘neurotic’ and defeatists.’” [11]

It was clear to Fr. Seraphim that today’s academic theology could not be successfully blended with the life of monasticism.  Various attempts at such a combination bore this out, and the reasons were not difficult to discern.  Whereas the former was abstract, the latter was down-to-earth; whereas the former was filled with talk of complex theological “problems,” the latter required simplicity of heart; and whereas the former was devised according to the way the world thinks, the latter was by nature at odds with the world.  Of all the academic theologians, Fr. Schmemann had the most animated vision of Orthodoxy in America; but even this could do hardly more than raise one a step above nominal Christianity.  It could not inspire one to take the first step of the Ladder of Divine Ascent: renunciation.

In theory, Fr. Schmemann regarded monasticism very highly, but in practice he was suspicious of it for what he regarded as its corruptions, blaming monastic influence in large part for the piety and church traditions of which he disapproved. [12] He placed the monastic-ascetic tradition at odds with the “lay” Orthodoxy he envisioned, rather than seeing the former as the prime motivator and inspirer of the latter.  As Fr. Seraphim wrote, however: “It is precisely the monastic services which are taken as the standard of the Church’s life of worship, because monasticism itself most clearly expresses the ideal toward which the whole believing Church strives.  The condition of monasticism at any given time is ordinarily one of the best indicators of the spiritual condition of the whole Church, or of any local Church; and similarly, the degree to which the local parishes in the world strive toward the ideal of the monastic service is the best indicator of the condition of the Divine worship which is conducted in them.” [13]

Father Seraphim saw the final argument against modernist theology in its very fruits.  Traditional Orthodoxy, with all its alleged “cultural accretions” and “impurities,” has nurtured saints even in our own times; “restored” or “rediscovered” Orthodoxy, with all its claims at being more pure or better informed, has produced, at best, clever men.  The latter, Fr. Seraphim perceived, has lost the feeling for the whole atmosphere of piety in which saints have been raised.

Whereas academics theologians were trying to inspire the new generation of American Orthodox with “the task of Orthodox theology today,” Fr. Seraphim wanted to inspire it above all with ascetic podvig: “emphasis on doing spiritual life rather than talking about it.”  Podvig was what had moved all the great “living links” to become men and women of sanctity, and it alone would give birth to more sanctity in the American land.  As Archbishop Averky had said, “Orthodoxy is an ascetic faith that calls to ascetic labor in the name of the uprooting of sinful passions and the implanting of Christian virtue.”  And, according to the teaching of St. John Climacus and other Holy Fathers, one must conquer the passions before even attempting to theologize.

In almost every issue of The Orthodox Word, the fathers presented the Life of an ascetic laborer, a true knower of God.  They knew that, more than anything else, it was love for the ascetics themselves that inspired one to podvig.  Fr. Seraphim did not see this love for ascetics coming from the journals of the new theologians.  “And without love for saints,” he wrote, “one’s Orthodoxy is crippled and one’s sense of direction is off – for they are the examples one has to follow.”

In 1973 the fathers began to publish the Lives of the desert-dwellers of Northern Russia, having painstakingly written and compiled them from a number of rare sources.  Their definite aim, they said, was to give them “not merely as an example of dead history, but of living tradition.”  Even while they were printing them separately in each issue, however, one leading academic theologian chastised in print “those who call to non-existent deserts,” evidently regarding such Lives as an appeal to a religious “romanticism” totally out of step with contemporary conditions of life.  When the fathers finally printed the Lives together in a book, which they called The Northern Thebaid, Fr. Seraphim answered this criticism as follows:

“Why, indeed, should we inspire today’s Orthodox youth with the call of the ‘Northern Thebaid’ [of Russia] which has in it something attractive and somehow more accessible for a 20th century zealot than the barren desert of Egypt?

“First of all, the monastic life here described has not entirely disappeared from the earth; it is possible to find Orthodox monastic communities which teach the spiritual doctrine of the Holy Fathers, and to lead the Orthodox monastic life even in the 20th century – with constant self-reproach over how far one falls short of the Lives of the ancient Fathers in these times…. The wise seeker can find his ‘desert’ even in our barren 20th century.

“But this book is not intended only for such fortunate ones.

Every Orthodox Christian should know the Lives of the Fathers of the desert, which together with the Lives of the Martyrs give us the model for our own life of Christian struggle.  Even so, every Orthodox Christian should know of Valaam, of Solovki, of Svir, of Siya and Obnora and White Lake, of the Skete of Sora, and of the Angel-like men who dwelled there being translated to heaven, living the Orthodox spiritual life to which every Orthodox Christian is called, according to his strength and the conditions of his life.  Every Orthodox Christian should be inspired by their life of struggle far from the ways of the world.  There is no ‘romanticism’ here.  The actual ‘romantics’ of our times are the reformers of ‘Parisian Orthodoxy’ who, disparaging the authentic Orthodox tradition, wish to ‘sanctify the world,’ to prostitute the spiritual tradition ‘for the life of the world,’ to replace the authentic Orthodox world view with a this-worldly counterfeit of it based on modern Western thought.  The spiritual life of the true monastic tradition is the norm of our Christian life, and we had better be informed of it before the terrible last day when we are called to account for our lax life.  We shall not be judged for our ignorance of the vocabulary of contemporary ‘Orthodox theology,’ but we shall surely be judged for not struggling on the path to salvation.  If we do not live like these Saints, then let us at least increase our far-too-feeble struggles from God, and offer our fervent tears of repentance and our constant self-reproach at falling so short of the standard of perfection which God has shown us in His wondrous Saints.” [14]

In some of his later works – those which were aimed more at the orthodox faithful than at academicians – Fr. Schmemann succeeded in providing practical edification while avoiding modern criticism of the “defects” of traditional Orthodoxy.  But for him, and especially for his followers, the transmission remained severed.  Although he made frequent mention of St. Seraphim in his lectures, he could only appreciate selected aspects of him.  He could not fully enter into this Saint’s ascetic and apocalyptic spirit (as seen, for example, in the “Great Diveyevo Mystery”), for he had cut himself off from the saints of his own time, even from those of St. Seraphim’s same spiritual lineage who lived nearby.

It was their burden to preserve the living transmission of Orthodoxy in America that caused the fathers to take such a sharp tone against “renovated” Orthodoxy.  “Schmemannism” posed a real threat, but the fathers were after all able to separate the man from the “ism.”  The distortions of Orthodoxy could never be accepted or passed over, but the man himself could be forgiven.  Fr. Seraphim had no personal animosity toward him, and in fact respected him for his commitment to bringing the Orthodox Faith to his fellow Americans.  Fearing that Fr. Schmemann might have misinterpreted Fr. Seraphim’s intention and had been personally hurt, Fr. Herman went to visit him after Fr. Seraphim died.  He made a prostration before Fr. Schmemann and asked forgiveness on the part of his departed brother.  Fr. Schmemann, who was then approaching death himself, readily forgave Fr. Seraphim.

Thus, by God’s grace, were the souls of Fr. Seraphim and Fr. Alexander Schmemann reconciled for the future life.  Fr. Schmemann, although there is no indication that he came closer to agreeing with Fr. Seraphim’s ideas, must have placed value in the fact that Fr. Seraphim was a product of the very American Orthodox mission to which he, Fr. Schmemann, had devoted the greater part of his life.  In the case of Fr. Seraphim, it was no immigrant, born in 19th-century Russia, who was calling Americans too old-fashioned, apocalyptic Orthodoxy piety, but rather full-blooded American who had himself been raised in this secular, pluralistic society, who had never even been told of Orthodoxy while growing up but had instead been inculcated with the “American dream,” which he had rejected.  Soon after Fr. Seraphim’s death and not long before his own, Fr. Schmemann was able to look at Fr. Seraphim’s life, the life of an American Orthodox convert, and to say: “Here is a man to whom belongs the future.” [15]

 

1. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Holy Fathers, III,” pp. 234-236.

2. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Our Living Links with the Holy Fathers: Archpriest Nicholas Deputatov,” The Orthodox Word, no. 69 (1976), p. 100.

3. Rene Guenon, Introduction to the study of Hindu Doctrines (London: Luzac and Co., 1945), p. 195.

4. Fr. Michael Pomazansky, “The Liturgical Theology of Fr. A. Schmemann,” The Orthodox Word, no. 35 (1970), p. 263.

5. Ibid., p. 260

6. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Typicon of the Orthodox Church’s Divine Services: Inspiration of True Orthodox Piety” (Introduction), The Orthodox Word, no. 53 (1973), p. 224.

7. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Towards the ‘Eighth Ecumenical Council,’” The Orthodox Word, no. 71 (1976), pp. 190-191.

8. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Holy Fathers, III,” p.235.

9. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Our Living Links with the Holy Fathers: Archbishop Averky of Jordanville,” The Orthodox Word, no. 62 (1975), p. 95.

10. Archbishop Averky, “What is Orthodoxy?”  Orthodox Life (Jordanville, New York: Holy Trinity Monastery, May-June, 1976), p. 1.

11. Alexander Schmemann, Church, World, Mission (Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 231-232.

12. See Alexander Schmemann, The Eucharist, (Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 231-232.

13. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Typicon,” p. 225.

14. The Northern Thebaid (Platina, California: St. Herman Brotherhood, 1975), pp. xi-xii.

15. Fr. Seraphim Rose, Heavenly Realm, p. 10.

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