Thursday, July 9, 2026

Meletios Metaxakis: Metropolitan, Archbishop, Pope and Patriarch

By Fr. Srboliub Miletich

 

 

July 1935. Zurich, Switzerland. After six difficult days in the throes of death, there dies a man whose personality was one of the most scandalous in the two-thousand-year history of the Orthodox Church. His body is taken to Cairo in Egypt and buried with great pomp. One of the greatest Church reformers leaves behind him a painful, unstable and alarming situation, the consequences of which will be felt for many decades, probably even centuries. Against the background of his image and actions, a question arises. What was his personal contribution to contemporary and future tribulations, concerns and challenges facing the Orthodox Church?

We are now at a sufficient historical distance for both historians and theologians to give an objective assessment. Today, in our view, his personality and contribution demand this. We shall attempt to show why. We present only the basic information and some of the historical facts, which concern this personality, unprecedented in Church history. In his relatively short, but very tempestuous life, this man managed to become the head of three autocephalous Local Churches and to have taken a number of decisions, which until his time were incompatible with Orthodoxy. Here was a man who tried to change the very bases of Orthodox ecclesiology, raising questions to which many generations of Orthodox theologians are still to give mature and spiritually sober answers. But let us start at the beginning.

Patriarch Meletios Metaxakis was born on 21 September 1871 in the village of Parsas on Crete and was baptized Emmanuel. In 1889 he entered the Holy Cross seminary in Jerusalem. In 1892 he became a monk and was ordained hierodeacon. After completing his theological education, in 1900 Patriarch Damian appointed him secretary of the Holy Synod of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Eight years later, in 1908, the same Patriarch expelled Meletios from the Holy Land for 'activities against the Holy Sepulchre'. [1]

According to the historian Alexander Zervoudakis, an official in the British Ministry of Defence (1944-1950), in 1909 Meletios visited Cyprus and there, together with other Orthodox clergy, [2] became a member of a British masonic lodge. [3] In the following year Metaxakis became the Metropolitan of Kition in Cyprus and already in 1912 tried to become the Patriarch of Constantinople. Failing in this, he devoted himself to becoming the Archbishop of Cyprus. Meanwhile his undisguised political ambitions, authoritarian character and, above all, his modernism seemed to have played a decisive role in his defeat. [4] Disillusioned, he left his flock and in 1916 headed for Greece. There, in 1918, with the support of his relative Venizelos, who headed the Greek government, he became the Archbishop of Athens. In the following year, when Venizelos lost the Greek elections, Metaxakis was deposed.

While still Archbishop of Athens, Metaxakis visited Great Britain together with a group of his supporters. Here he conducted talks on unity between the Anglican Church and the Orthodox Churches. At that time he also set up the famous 'Greek Archdiocese of North America'. Until then there had been no separate jurisdictions in America, but only parishes consisting of ethnic groups, including Greeks, and officially under the jurisdiction of the Russian bishop. With the fall of Imperial Russia and the Bolshevik seizure of power, the Russian Church found herself isolated and her dioceses outside Soviet Russia lost their support. Archbishop Meletios’ foundation of a purely Greek ethnic diocese in America became the first in a whole series of divisions which followed. As a result, various groups demanded and received the support of their national Churches. [5]

After losing the see of Athens, in February 1921 Meletios set off for America. At that time, according to the decision of the Sacred Episcopal Council of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), Bishop (now Saint) Nicholas Velimirovic had been sent with a mandate ‘to investigate the situation, needs and wishes of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the United States’. In his report to the Sacred Episcopal Council on 13/26 June 1921, Vladyka Nicholas mentions meeting Meletios, also informing them that:

‘The position of the Greeks was explained to me best of all by the Metropolitan of Athens, Meletios Metaxakis, who is now in exile in America, and Bishop Alexander of Rhodes, whom the same Metropolitan Meletios sent to America three years ago and to whom he delegated duties as Bishop of the Greek Church in America.

Metropolitan Meletios considers that, according to the canons, the supreme oversight of the Church in America is to belong to the Patriarch of Constantinople. He quotes Canon 28 of the Fourth Oecumenical Council, according to which all churches in ‘barbarian’ lands belong to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch in Constantinople. In his opinion, this jurisdiction would be more honorary than anything else, and would be more real only in matters of appeal on the part of a dissatisfied party’. [6]

Naturally, this was interesting news for Bishop Nicholas and he mentioned it in his report to the SOC Council, because nobody until that time had interpreted Canon 28 of the Fourth Council in such a way. Not a single Patriarch of Constantinople until Meletios had yet tried to substitute a primacy of power for the primacy of honour, or some myth of supreme judgement in ‘matters of appeal by the dissatisfied party’ for the catholicity of the Church.

Apart from his work to establish completely new arrangements among the Local Churches and their diasporas, in America Meletios also showed great concern to develop exceptionally cordial relations with the Anglicans (Episcopalians). On 17 December 1921 the Greek Ambassador in Washington informed the authorities in Thessaloniki that Meletios, vested, took part in an Anglican service, bowed with the Anglicans in prayer, kissed their altar, preached and later blessed those present! [7]

When the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece learned of Meletios’ activities in November 1921, a special commission was set up with the task of investigating his situation. Meanwhile, while this investigation was ongoing, Meletios was unexpectedly elected Patriarch of Constantinople. The Synodal commission extended its work and on the basis of its conclusions on 9 December 1921 the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece expelled Meletios Metaxakis for a whole series of infringements of Canon Law and also for creating a schism. [8] Despite this decision, on 24 January 1922 Meletios was raised to the Patriarchal see. And then, under strong political pressure, on 24 September that same year the decision to expel him was revoked.

Metropolitan Germanos (Karavangelis), who at that time had already been legally elected Archbishop of Constantinople, relates the following regarding the circumstances connected with the unexpected change of situation: ‘There was no doubt about my election to the Oecumenical Throne in 1921. Of 17 votes, 16 were for me. Then a layman known to me offered me 10,000 pounds if I renounced all my rights to the election in favour of Meletios Metaxakis. Naturally, irritated and annoyed I rejected the offer. Immediately after this a three-man delegation from ‘The National Defence League’ visited me one night and energetically persuaded me to renounce my election in favour of Meletios Metaxakis. The delegation told me that Meletios could obtain $100,000 for the Patriarchate, that he was on very good terms with Protestant bishops in England and America, that he could be very useful in Greek national interests and that international interests required Meletios to be elected as Patriarch. Such were the wishes of Eleutherios Venizelos.

All night long I thought about this proposal. Economic chaos reigned in the Patriarchate. The Greek government had stopped sending aid and there were no other sources of income. Salaries had not been paid for the last nine months. The charitable organizations of the Patriarchate were in a critical material situation. With these considerations in mind and for the sake of the welfare of the people I accepted the proposal. [9]

After this agreement, on 23 November 1921, there was accepted a proposal of the Synod of the Patriarchate of Constantinople to postpone the election of the Patriarch. Immediately after this, the bishops who had voted to postpone the elections were replaced by others, so that two days later, on 25 November 1921 Meletios was elected. The bishops who had been removed met in Thessaloniki and issued a statement saying that ‘Meletios election was completely against the holy canons’ and they promised ‘to conduct an honest and canonical election of the Patriarch of Constantinople’. [10] Despite all this, two months later, amid general astonishment, Meletios nevertheless became Patriarch of Constantinople.

It may be said that from the moment that he was elected there begins a completely new chapter in the history of the Orthodox Church. As a fiery warrior for the political ideas of Panhellenism, an energetic modernist and Church reformer, Meletios initiated a series of reforms and influenced the acceptance of numerous resolutions which had extremely tragic consequences. In 1922 the Synod of his Patriarchate issued an encyclical which recognized the validity of Anglican orders [11] and, from 10 May to 8 June, at Meletios’ initiative a ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’ took place in Istanbul.

Despite the resolutions of the Councils of 1583, [12] 1587 and 1593, the Congress took the decision to change the calendar of the Orthodox Church. It is remarkable that at this Conference, which goes under various names – ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’, ‘Orthodox Assembly’ [13] and so on – representatives of only three Local Churches were present: from Greece, Romania and Serbia. At the same time representatives from others, and moreover from the closest – the Patriarchates of Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria – decided not to take part. As Oecumenical Patriarch, Meletios chaired the sessions of the meeting, at which the Anglican Bishop Charles Gore was present. At Meletios’ invitation, Gore sat on his right and took part in the work of the Congress. [14]

It can be said that the introduction of the new calendar provoked extreme disappointment all over the Orthodox world, among parish clergy and laypeople, and above all among monastics. This gesture was taken as the visible sign of Constantinople’s intention to draw closer to the West to the detriment of the age-old liturgical unity of the Local Orthodox Churches. The so-called ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’, consisting of representatives from three Local Churches, managed to accept the new calendar for the very same reasons of Unia, for which the preceding Orthodox Councils had condemned and rejected it: ‘For the sake of the simultaneous celebration of the great Christian feasts on the part of all the Churches’. [15]

Whatever and whoever this conference represented, historians will most probably be forced to recognize that it was one of the most tragic events in the life of the Church in the twentieth century. The agenda, set from above and forced onto people in contradiction with previous Conciliar decisions, introduced under political pressure the so-called new calendar. This caused schisms and bloody clashes in the streets, which Meletios himself did not escape. Meletios' modernist reforms of the Church were not to the taste of the faithful. In Istanbul there were serious incidents, during which the outraged Orthodox population sacked the Patriarch's apartments and physically beat Meletios himself. [16] Soon after this, in September 1923, he was forced to quit Istanbul and renounce the Patriarchal throne.

Judging by all this, Patriarch Meletios had ambitious plans and this small and inglorious meeting looked at more than one problem. Apart from the issue of changing the calendar, they also examined the question of whether to reject a fixed Easter Day, priests and deacons marrying after ordination, second marriages for priests, relaxing the fasts, transferring great feasts to Sunday and so on. [17] On the subject of this meeting, Archimandrite (now often venerated as a saint) Justin Popovich wrote in his presentation of May 1977 to the Sacred Episcopal Council of the SOC: 'The issue of preparing and holding a new 'Oecumenical Council' of the Orthodox Church is not new and does not date back merely to yesterday in our period of Church history. This question was already raised at the time of the unfortunate Patriarch Meletios Metaxakis, the well-known and presumptuous modernist, reformer and creator of schism in Orthodoxy, at his so-called 'Pan-Orthodox Congress' in Istanbul in 1923'.

As Oecumenical Patriarch, Meletios gave special attention to attempts to completely reorganize relations between the Local Orthodox Churches in the world, especially with regard to their diasporas. His decisions, letters, tomos and encyclicals were not only controversial, but sometimes logically contradicted one another. Thus, refusing to recognize the autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church on the pretext that the Orthodox population was a minority, Meletios, despite all the official documents issued by the Russian Church, recognized the separation of the Polish Church, which in exactly the same way was also a minority in Poland. [18]

As Vladyka Nicholas Velimirovich said in his report, Patriarch Meletios attempted to extend the interpretation of Canon 28 of the Fourth Oecumenical Council and in some way seize not only the Greek diaspora, but also other national diasporas. For the first time in history, a Patriarch was trying to launch the Patriarchate of Constantinople into an absolutely uncanonical and scandalous administrative invasion campaign in other people’s countries and against other people’s flocks. Fr Zhivko Panev writes of this:

‘Without consulting the Synod in Athens, in 1922 he used his connections with the Greek diaspora in America and subordinated it to himself. In that year he issued a Tomos on the foundation of an Archdiocese in North and South America in New York, with three bishops, in Boston, Chicago and San Francisco. At the same time he also took steps to subordinate to Constantinople diasporas of other nationalities. The first step in this direction was made in 1922, when he appointed an Exarch for the whole of Western and Central Europe in London, with the title of Metropolitan of Thyateira. Following this Constantinople began to dispute the right of Metropolitan Eulogius to run Russian parishes in Western Europe.

On 9 July 1923 Meletios subordinated to himself the dioceses of the Russian Church in Finland in the form of an autonomous Finnish Church. On 23 August 1923 the Synod in Constantinople issued a Tomos about the subordination to Constantinople of the Russian dioceses in Estonia, in the form of an autonomous Church.

Presided by Meletios, the Synod in Constantinople decided that it was indispensable to form a new diocese for the Orthodox diaspora in Australia, with a Cathedral in Sydney, under Constantinople. This was done in 1924’. [19]

Thanks to Meletios’ activities the Serbian Church also clashed with the Patriarchate of Constantinople. It had its diocese in Czechoslovakia, for which on 25 September 1921 the Serbian Patriarch Dimitri consecrated bishop the Moravian Czech Gorazd Pavlik (shot on 4 December 1942 by the Germans and now canonized). [20] Despite this, on 4 March 1923, Patriarch Meletios consecrated an Archimandrite Sabbatius as ‘Archbishop of Prague and All Czechoslovakia’ and gave him Tomos No 1132 on the restoration of the ancient Archdiocese of Sts Cyril and Methodius, which he then placed under the jurisdiction of Constantinople. [21]

Apart from the Autocephalous Albanian Church, which Meletios did not recognize, there were also Serbs who lived on Albanian territory and whose spiritual care was in the hands of the Serbian Church. The secretary of the Monastery of Decani, Victor Mikhailovich, was consecrated on 18 June 1922 as Vicar-Bishop of Scutari. Meanwhile, the Patriarchate of Constantinople argued with the Serbian Church for many years over the question of jurisdiction in Albania. In the meantime, Uniat propaganda, spread directly by the Vatican was successful. Bishop Victor of Scutari underwent terrible hardships from which he was delivered on 8 September 1939, when he died. He was buried in the Monastery at Decani at his request. [22]

Meletios’ recognition of Anglican orders even provoked the indignation of the Roman Catholics. Meletios’ innovations in the Church caused outrage and anger and the new calendar even caused schisms. In Istanbul, on 1 June 1923, there gathered a large group of indignant clergy and laity, who attacked the Phanar with the aim of deposing Meletios and chasing him out of the City. However, Meletios held out in the exceedingly overheated atmosphere for another month, only on 1 July 1923 to quit Istanbul on the pretext of illness and the need for medical treatment. Later, under strong pressure from the Greek government and the intervention of the Archbishop of Athens, Patriarch Meletios finally resigned from his post on 20 September 1923.

Only three Local Orthodox Churches at first introduced the new calendar, which had been accepted at his insistence at the unfortunate congress in Istanbul in 1923. These were Constantinople, Greece and Romania. It was not introduced in others for fear of further disturbances and schisms and also because of the strong negative reaction. The Patriarch of Jerusalem declared that the new calendar was unacceptable for His Church because of the danger of proselytism and the spread of the Unia in the Holy Land. Probably the most serious opposition to the new calendar came from the Church of Alexandria. There, Patriarch Photius, after an agreement with Patriarchs Gregory of Antioch, Damian of Jerusalem and the Archbishop of Cyprus, Cyril, called a Local Council, at which it was decided that there was no need whatsoever to change calendars. The Council expressed great regret that this issue was on the agenda, pointing out that the calendar change represented a danger for the unity of Orthodoxy, not only in Greece, but all over the world.

However, great changes were soon coming to the Patriarchate of Alexandria itself. After the Greek defeat of 1924 in Asia Minor at the hands of Kemal Ataturk, big changes took place on the Greek political and military scene. Then came population exchanges, as a result of which some 1,400,000 Greeks from Asia Minor were forced to resettle in Greece and some 300,000 Turks left Greece. [23] After his resignation from the see of Constantinople and the stormy and fateful events there, Patriarch Meletios turned up in Alexandria, where, with political support, he was named second candidate for the see of the Patriarchate of Alexandria. [24]

At that time, Egypt was under British mandate and the Egyptian government had the right to confirm the candidacy of either of the two candidates who had been put forward. The government in Cairo dragged its feet on the decision for a whole year, only on 20 May 1926, under British government pressure, to confirm their choice of Meletios to the see of the Pope and Patriarch of Alexandria. Not in the least discouraged by the Local Council called by his predecessor, pretexting the unity of the Greek diaspora with their homeland (the new calendar had already been introduced in Greece under pressure from the revolutionary government), Meletios introduced the new calendar in Alexandria too. Thus, supposed concern for the Greek ethnic diaspora took precedence over concern for Church unity and the decisions of previous Councils.

In 1930, as head of a Church delegation, Meletios Metaxakis took part in the Lambeth Conference, [25] where he negotiated on unity between Anglicans and Orthodox.

Before Meletios Metaxakis died, this exile from the Holy Land, Kition, Athens and Constantinople, with his unstable, tireless and ambitious spirit, despite serious illness, tried to advance his candidacy for the see of Jerusalem. However, on 28 July 1935 he died and was buried in Cairo. In his wake there is still a stormy period, a restless time of political pressure and diplomatic intrigues, unacceptable in the Church of Christ, the consequences of which will be felt for many more years to come…

 

NOTES

1. Batistos D., Proceedings and Decisions of the Pan-Orthodox Council in Constantinople, May 10 - June 8, 1923, Athens, 1982

2. One of them was the future Metropolitan Vasilios, an official representative of the Patriarchate of Constantinople

3. Alexander I. Zervoudakis, 'Famous Freemasons', Masonic Bulletin, No. 71, January - February 1967

4. Benedict Englezakis, Studies on the History of the Church of Cyprus, 4th - 20th Centuries, Vaparoum, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Aldershot, Hampshire, Great Britain, 1995, p. 440

5. Metropolitan Theodosius, Archbishop of Washington, The Path To Autocephaly And Beyond: 'Miles To Go Before We Sleep' http://www.holy-trinity.org/modern/ theodosius.html

6. Bishop Nikolai Velimirovich, Collected Works, Vol. 10, 1983. p. 467 (In Serbian)

7. Delimpasis, A.D., Pascha of the Lord, Creation, Renewal, and Apostasy, Athens, 1985, p. 661 (In Greek)

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p.662

10. Ibid., p.663

11. Encyclical on Anglican Orders, from the Oecumenical Patriarch to the Presidents of the Particular Eastern Orthodox Churches, 1922, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/~ucgbmxd/ patriarc.htm

12. The Local Council of 1583 in Constantinople was summoned in response to the proposal of Pope Gregory XIII to the Orthodox to accept the new calendar. Patriarch Jeremiah of Constantinople, Patriarch Sylvester of Alexandria, Patriarch Sophronios of Jerusalem and other fathers took part in the Council. The Council clearly said: If any do not follow the customs of the Church, founded in the Oecumenical Councils, including holy Pascha (Easter) and the calendar, which they command us to follow, but wish to follow the newly devised Paschalia and the calendar of the atheist astronomers of the Pope and contradict (the customs of the Church), wanting to reject and sully the dogmas and customs of the Church, which we have inherited from our fathers, may ANATHEMA be on them and may they be excommunicated from the Church and communion with the faithful.

13. Sibev T., The Question of the Church Calendar, Synodal Publishing, Sofia, 1968, pp. 33-34 (In Bulgarian).

14. The very name 'Congress' witnesses to the fact that this meeting does not fit in with Orthodox Tradition

15. The Encyclical of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, 'To All the Churches of Christ', January 1920

16. 'The Julian Calendar', Orthodox Life, No. 5, 1995, p. 26

17. Hieromonk Sava (Yevtich), Ecumenism and the Time of Apostasy, Prizren, 1995, p. 11 (In Serbian)

18. Priest Zhivko Panic. The Question of the Diaspora - A Historical and Canonical Review, Paris, Manuscript (in Russian)

19. Ibid.

20. Sava, Bishop of Shumadia, Serbian Hierarchs from the Ninth to the Twentieth Centuries, Belgrade 1996, pp. 135-135 (In Serbian)

21. Serge Troitsky, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over the Orthodox Diaspora, Sremski Karlovtsy, 1932, p. 4 (In Serbian)

22. Dr Dimsho Perich, 'The Serbian Orthodox Church and Her Diaspora', Istochnik, The Journal of the Serbian Orthodox Diocese in Canada, 1998, No. 38

23. ‘In the twentieth century the Greek population of Turkey underwent terrible persecutions and genocide. In 1920 in Istanbul alone there were about 100,000 Greeks. After the First World War and the Greek defeat at Smyrna (Izmir) in 1922, the Greeks there suffered a real disaster - ‘the great disaster’. The Greeks of Asia Minor fled and resettled elsewhere. This happened after the signing of peace in Lausanne in Switzerland in 1923. After this only an insignificant number of Greeks remained in Istanbul and of Turks in western Thrace. At the present time there are about 4,000 Greeks in Istanbul’. Archpriest Radomir Popovich, Orthodoxy at the Turn of the Centuries, Belgrade, 1999, p.23 (In Serbian)

24. The first candidate was Metropolitan Nicholas of Nubia

25. The Conference of all the Anglican Bishops which takes place every ten years in the Palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury. It looks at questions of faith, morality and order in the Anglican Communion

 

English source (translation slightly corrected): http://www.orthodoxengland.org.uk/meletios.htm

Serbian original: https://svetosavlje.org/meletios-metaksakis/

Why are Orthodox hierarchs getting us used to “archbishopesses”?

Vasyl Mozhevelnyi | July 6, 2026

 

 

Patriarch Theophilos of Jerusalem receives an Anglican archbishopess. At the Phanar, Orthodox hierarchs pray alongside lesbian “bishops.” This is neither courtesy nor diplomacy. It is how the Overton window opens.

On June 24, 2026, Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem received Sarah Mullally, the Anglican Archbishop of Canterbury. She was accompanied by Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem Hosam Naoum and others.

At first glance, it might seem like an ordinary diplomatic meeting with a religious leader visiting the Holy City. Such meetings are not unusual. In autumn 2025, for instance, Patriarch Theophilos guided U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance through the holy sites of Jerusalem.

But this case is different.

Sarah Mullally is not a politician or a public figure. She is the first “archbishopess” to head the Church of England. An official meeting with her by the Patriarch of Jerusalem – and especially common prayer – is not simply a gesture of courtesy. It is a silent legitimization of women’s “ordination,” a step toward its recognition across the Christian world.

This is how the Overton window opens.

The official position of the Orthodox Churches

The issue of women’s “ordination” arose in the Anglican Church as early as 1976. In 1978, a special meeting of the Anglican–Orthodox Doctrinal Commission was held in Athens. The commission included representatives of the Churches of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Alexandria, Antioch, Russia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus, Poland, and Finland – in other words, almost the whole Orthodox world.

In the final document, the Orthodox members unanimously condemned the ordination of women and called it an "innovation" which has no foundation in Holy Tradition, arguing that "it is important, therefore, to distinguish between innovations and the creative continuity of Tradition." 

What is especially important is that the Orthodox participants in the Athens statement "cannot regard the Anglican proposals to ordain women as a purely internal matter, in which the Orthodox are not concerned." They wrote directly: “ We Orthodox see the ordination of women, not as part of this creative continuity, but as a violation of the apostolic faith and order of the Church.”

In 2006, at a meeting of the Anglican–Orthodox Commission in Cyprus, the Orthodox participants again expressed categorical disagreement with the decision of Anglican churches to ordain women.

Many Local Churches described women’s ordination as an obstacle to dialogue with Anglicans. In 2008, after the General Synod of the Church of England approved the introduction of women bishops, the Russian Orthodox Church stated that the decision “significantly complicates dialogue between Orthodox Christians and Anglicans, further distances Anglicanism from the Orthodox Church, and contributes to the further division of the Christian world as a whole.”

But times change.

What happened in Jerusalem

This was not merely a diplomatic reception – it was common prayer. Sarah Mullally herself says so.

On the official website of the Archbishop of Canterbury, she thanked Patriarch Theophilos for receiving her and said that “to pray together in that holy place, at the heart of the Christian story, has been a profound gift.”

As is well known, Orthodox canon law has always treated common prayer as a serious ecclesiological act. Numerous canons strictly forbid not only liturgical concelebration but even simple prayer with those outside Church communion. Apostolic Canon 10 states: "If any one shall pray, even in a private house, with an excommunicated person, let him also be excommunicated.”

Here, however, we see not simply prayer with someone outside the Church, but prayer with a person who undermines one of the basic principles of the priesthood and promotes the LGBT agenda even at the cost of a split within her own church.

Sarah Mullally, who advocates the blessing of gay couples, became the first female Archbishop of Canterbury in the history of the Church of England and the spiritual leader of some 85 million believers worldwide. Yet her appointment provoked a major crisis within Anglicanism itself. In October 2025, the Anglicans of Nigeria broke away from Mullally. In March 2026, 347 bishops and 121 leaders from 27 provinces of the Global South formally announced a break with the administrative center in London and created their own Global Anglican Council.

The picture is strange.

Even within Anglicanism – a religious community generally regarded as rather liberal – Mullally is unacceptable to many. Yet an Orthodox Patriarch apparently sees no problem in praying with her in the Holy Land.

Of course, one cannot say that Patriarch Theophilos formally recognized women’s ordination by this act. But it is unquestionably a departure from the apostolic and patristic tradition.

Was necessity the reason?

Why does Patriarch Theophilos need such meetings at all? The Church’s attitude toward women’s ordination, the Anglican split caused by it, and Sarah Mullally’s support for the gay agenda are all well-known facts. The Patriarch of Jerusalem is certainly aware of them.

Perhaps the explanation lies in the present condition of the Jerusalem Church. And that condition is rather bleak.

In August 2025, Jerusalem municipal authorities froze the bank accounts of the Jerusalem Patriarchate over a tax dispute. Patriarchate staff, schools, monasteries, and charitable institutions were left without funds.

The dispute concerns not only the Orthodox. In March 2025, the heads of the Christian Churches of the Holy Land protested attempts to force them to pay taxes, warning that the unbearable financial burden could threaten the very presence of these Churches in the region.

The war in Gaza has made the situation even worse. The Jerusalem Patriarchate is trying to help refugees, which requires major financial resources. The Orthodox Monastery of St. Porphyrios, for example, became a shelter for hundreds of civilians.

The Jerusalem Church needs international support and financial assistance and hopes to receive it from influential Christian structures in the West. Perhaps this explains the warm reception given to the Archbishopess of Canterbury in Jerusalem.

Patriarch Theophilos may be making compromises not for himself, but for the good of the Church. But is the price not too high?

Constantinople opens the Overton window even wider

If Patriarch Theophilos’ action can be explained by the difficult position of the Jerusalem Church, the case of the Patriarchate of Constantinople is somewhat different.

On January 30, 2026, an ecumenical prayer service was held at Holy Trinity Cathedral in New York, which belongs to the Archdiocese of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the United States. Representatives of various confessions took part, including Lutheran “bishopess” Katrina Foster.

Foster is not simply a “bishopess” – she is also an openly practicing lesbian. Also participating was Episcopal “priestess” Kirsten Guidero, known for promoting LGBT ideology. Representatives of the Patriarchate of Constantinople prayed together with all of them.

Earlier, in 2022, in Istanbul, Patriarch Bartholomew prayed with representatives of other religious organizations “for ecumenical unity.” Among those praying was an unidentified woman wearing an epitrachelion.

And such services are unlikely to stop. On the contrary, given the number of women’s “ordinations” among Anglicans, Lutherans, and Protestants, this trend will only grow. There is little doubt that Constantinople’s hierarchs also justify such contacts by considerations of “the good of the Church.”

The old trap of compromise

The idea of “compromise for the good of the Church” is not new. Today it is justified by the need for financial assistance, international support, dialogue, peace, and so on. It all sounds very noble. It can even look like self-sacrifice.

But Church history testifies to something else: when hierarchs begin doing things contrary to doctrine or Church morality “for the good of the Church,” the result is the opposite.

One example is the Council of Ferrara–Florence in the 15th century. Constantinople was then on the verge of being conquered by the Turks and desperately needed military help from the West. The emperor and a significant part of the hierarchy agreed to union with Rome “for the good of the Church and the empire.” The result: the city received no real help, the Church was pushed to the brink of schism, and in 1453 Constantinople was captured by the Ottoman Turks.

Another example is the 1927 Declaration of Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) on complete loyalty to the Soviet regime. He was trying to save the Church from total destruction in the furnace of the repressions of the 1920s and 1930s. The result: the persecution only intensified. Thousands of priests, monks, and laypeople were arrested, exiled, and executed. Thousands of churches were destroyed. The Church fell under the complete control of Soviet agencies. The consequences of this policy, later called “Sergianism,” have not been overcome to this day.

Compromise in matters of doctrine and morality has almost always led to tragedy in Church history and undermined the Church’s authority. And the opposite is also true.

The saints chose fidelity

The Church survived not because of those who knew how to make deals with the powerful at any price, but because of steadfast confession of the faith.

St. Basil the Great lived in the fourth century, when the authorities supported Arianism. Orthodox believers were driven out of churches and sent into exile. The local governor Modestus tried to pressure Basil into accepting Arianism. He threatened him and his flock with confiscation of property, torture, and death. Basil could have compromised – many did. But he answered: “Threaten others, if you can; none of this touches us.”

St. Maximus the Confessor lived in the seventh century, when the authorities supported the Monothelite heresy. Church hierarchs one after another agreed to compromise for the sake of “peace.” But Maximus said: “I do not think about the union or division of Romans and Greeks, but about not falling away from the true faith.”

St. Mark of Ephesus refused union with the Catholics. He stood against everyone: the Byzantine emperor, the Roman pope, Church hierarchs, and the political elite of the empire. And it was his position that saved the Church.

Alongside these saints were those who proposed compromise and skillfully explained concessions by “difficult circumstances” and “the good of the Church.” But the truth of God was on the side of the confessors. History proved them right.

Should an abbot compromise “for the sake of the brotherhood”?

Of course, women’s ordination is far from the only challenge facing the Church today. There is an even sharper example now – the legalization of the OCU.

In the Local Churches, there are well-known hierarchs and clergy who once supported the canonical UOC and then turned around completely. We will not analyze every such reversal – two examples are enough: Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria and Metropolitan Isaiah of Tamassos of the Church of Cyprus. Both visited Ukraine more than once, both warmly supported the canonical UOC and Metropolitan Onuphry personally. And then they “forgot” it all.

It is especially painful when Mount Athos appears in this row – the stronghold of monasticism, a place to which people have come for centuries in search of undamaged faith.

Let us consider the arguments of two abbots: Elder Ephraim of Vatopedi and Archimandrite Elisseos of Simonopetra.

Archimandrite Ephraim repeatedly spoke in support of the canonical UOC and urged Ukrainians to remain faithful to Metropolitan Onuphry. But, as we remember, in 2019 he came to Kyiv for the enthronement of Serhiy Dumenko. True, he did not attend the ceremony itself: he suddenly fell ill and immediately left Ukraine. Later, commenting on the OCU issue, the abbot of Vatopedi said that Athonites could not speak on the subject because the Holy Mountain is under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and therefore all questions about Dumenko should be addressed there.

The rhetoric of the abbot of Simonopetra is even more astonishing.

According to information available to the UOJ, Archimandrite Elisseos told the brethren that if he refused to recognize the OCU, he would be forced to leave the monastery and the Patriarchate of Constantinople would appoint another, more “compliant” abbot. After such an admission, the monks supposedly “would not let him go,” because he was too dear to them.

But is the purpose of a monk’s life to remain head of a monastery at any cost?

Church history offers countless examples of holy abbots who not only did not cling to their position, but willingly sought to leave it in order to devote themselves fully to prayer.

St. Anthony the Great led a monastic settlement, but burdened by crowds, he withdrew far to the east, to Mount Colzim, where he spent the rest of his life near a spring and a few palm trees.

St. Sabbas the Sanctified, founder of the famous lavra near Jerusalem, would leave for the desert every Great Lent for solitary prayer, returning to the brethren only for the feast.

St. Anthony of the Caves, when brethren gathered around him, would again go off to dig a new cave for himself in search of solitude, entrusting the community to appointed abbots.

St. Theodosius of the Caves, even as abbot, would shut himself in a cave each Great Lent for solitary prayer, returning to the brethren only on Lazarus Saturday.

St. Sergius of Radonezh, while abbot of the Trinity Monastery, secretly left the monastery after a conflict with his brother Stephen in order to avoid discord.

St. Cyril of Belozersk was archimandrite of Moscow’s Simonov Monastery, but he was burdened by honor and sought solitude. Having laid down the abbacy, he left Moscow with the monk Ferapont for the north, to Lake Belo, where he founded the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery. In his case, withdrawal for the sake of prayer became final.

These are only a few examples; in reality, there are many more. Can we imagine any of the saints compromising with conscience simply in order to remain abbot?

One who is ready to sacrifice faith in order to preserve his position is no longer saving the Church – he is saving his place in it. However, that road does not lead where he thinks it does.

Conclusion: The window opens quietly

That which has no place in the Church does not enter through the gates. First comes an ordinary meeting, one of dozens, then shared photographs. Then comes common prayer – and who, after all, will object to prayer for peace?

At every step there are reasonable and “correct” arguments: do not exaggerate; you see the difficult position of the Church; we must be able to talk to everyone. It seems there is nothing to object to. But this is precisely how the Overton window opens – centimeter by centimeter.

The danger is not what is obvious. The Church has always dealt with open enemies and has always outlived them. What is more frightening is something less visible: the readiness of shepherds themselves to yield – naturally, “for the good of the Church.”

History has shown more than once what such concern leads to. The Union of Florence did not save Constantinople – it only brought its end closer. The Declaration of 1927 did not stop the persecution. Each time faith was crossed over “for the good of the Church,” the price proved heavier than the disaster from which people were trying to flee.

The Church was preserved not by those who knew how to make deals, but by those who refused to make them – Basil the Great, Maximus the Confessor, Mark of Ephesus. In their own lifetime they were called stubborn men and destroyers of Church peace. But in the end, they were the ones who proved right.

There is a deeper dimension to all this. Why are we in the Church at all? Is it really in order to arrange Her earthly affairs? No. We are in the Church in order to learn trust in God and to cultivate faith within ourselves.

And what is faith? It is certainly not the ability to bargain or strike deals for the sake of a calmer life for the Church. Christ, the Head of the Church, will care for Her earthly existence. Our task is different: to think about how to be saved and how to strengthen our own faith. This concerns a patriarch, a bishop, and an abbot no less than a layperson. Besides governing the Church, they too must be saved.

As St. Seraphim of Sarov said: “Acquire the Spirit of Peace, and thousands around you will be saved.”

Our faith is strengthened precisely in critical moments – when there is no money, when danger looms, when threats come from every side. It has always been this way. In the church language, this is called temptation. And temptations are not bypassed – they are passed through. They are given so that a person may endure them, hold fast to God, and emerge with stronger faith and a living bond with Him. This is what they are all about.

Attempts to “lay straw” for the Church, or for oneself within the Church, move against faith itself. They are pure human calculation where trust in God is required.

The Psalmist said it long ago: “Put not your trust in princes, in the sons of men, in whom there is no salvation.”

And again: “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain; unless the Lord watches over the city, the watchman stays awake in vain.”

All of Scripture directs us to the same truth: “Some trust in chariots, and some in horses, but we will call upon the name of the Lord our God.”

Let the mighty of this world place their hope in pulling strings and making agreements. Our path is different, as it should be.

 

Source: https://spzh.eu/en/zashhita-very/94227-why-are-orthodox-hierarchs-accustoming-us-to-archbishopesses

Wednesday, July 8, 2026

To the Bishops of the Church of Greece: “The Highest Duty” (1960)

Greek source: The Voice of Orthodoxy, No. 350, October 24, 1960 (O.S.), pp. 1-2.

 

 

The present article, with great respect, we dedicate to the Most Reverend Hierarchs of our homeland, whether they occupy episcopal sees, or are without sees and live in quietude.

Most Reverend and Right Reverend Fathers,

A contentious issue has existed, as is also known to you, since 1924: the Old Calendar question. This issue the official Administration of the Autocephalous Greek Church faced with an inexcusable haste; it treated it as a matter of order and discipline, wherefore it also drew the punitive sword of authority against the Old Calendarists, whom it regarded as enemies of the Church. And against them it marshaled its severest wrath, such as it certainly did not display against the variously named heretics, who ravage our Homeland and daily steal rational sheep from the flock.

Driven on by this wrath, it proceeded to acts that were outright anti-Christian, such as the violent stripping of clergy of their clerical garb, the tyrannical shaving of their beards, or to acts manifestly anti-canonical, such as the reordination of clergy because they had received the priesthood at the hands of Old Calendarist bishops!

Such conduct on the part of the Administration of the Autocephalous Greek Church is neither in accordance with the principles of the Gospel, nor in harmony with the divine and sacred canons, nor does it satisfy the sentiment of the people!

The Gospel, proclaiming the immortal teaching of our Savior, recommends love, longsuffering, meekness, peaceful settlement, and wishes the Church to be not a center of forceful and tyrannical authority, but a safeguard of peace and blessing.

The Divine and Sacred Canons at no point define as a punishable act the desire of the members of the Church to seek the opinion and authority of an Ecumenical Council, for the unanimous establishment of a condition different from that which has prevailed until now within the sphere of the universal Orthodox Church. Nor is the right given to Autocephalous Churches to reform established orders which refer, either indirectly or directly, to the unity of the Orthodox Catholic Church. Since, therefore, there is no designation of a punishable act by the Divine and Sacred Canons, neither can penalties be imposed, given that no penalty is imposed without law.

The people also disapproved of the tactic of persecution employed by the Administration of the State Church. Thus its deputies, government ministers, newspapers, intellectuals, associations, and private individuals censured this tactic and expressed their sympathy toward the Old Calendarists.

But also, leading men of the Church, of the Church of Greece, expressed their opposition to the tactic of violence and persecutions. Thus the ever-memorable Archbishop of Athens Dorotheos [+1957] denounced with abhorrence the measures of his predecessor and began to seek points of rapprochement between the official Church and the Old Calendarists, so that a compromise might be found until the convocation of a Pan-Orthodox Council.

Most Reverend and Right Reverend Fathers,

If the Administration of the Church acted as it acted, your responsibility is not thereby wholly removed. The Administration is a Body; and the Body is impersonal in the exercise, well or badly, of an authority! You, however, are persons, with your personal responsibility intact before God, the Church, and the Flock.

You are therefore called by the facts themselves to take a position; many rodents are gnawing away at the roots of the God-planted vine, many disturbances are shaking the calm of the Church. The Old Calendarists constitute conservative elements, useful to the work of Orthodoxy. Why, then, do you drive them away, or at least tolerate their sufferings? It is known that “he who sees injustice and remains silent himself commits the sin.” And it is a supreme and glaring injustice that the Hebrew-appearing Chiliasts [i.e., Jehovah’s Witnesses] should enjoy social privileges and constitutional protection, while the genuine children of Orthodoxy are regarded as fornicators, as adulterers, begetting illegitimate children, insofar as the Administration of the Church opposes the legal recognition of the marriages of the citizens.

Beyond this, however, you ought to consider that the activity of the Old Calendarists without the care and paternal interest of shepherds does not benefit the Church, in the broader sense of the word. The Ecclesiastical Committee with difficulty restrains the situation so that it may not deviate into reckless adventurism. And it is praiseworthy for this. But until when?

If the loss of one man constitutes a sorrowful event, what must indifference toward so many thousands of pious and genuine children of Orthodoxy constitute?

It is time, therefore, for you to think about the fate of this flock, which, suitably guided, will constitute the anti-heretical army.

And the way was opened by the blessed soul of the ever-memorable former Shepherd of Madeta, Chrysostomos Kavouridis.

Forward, then!

No Hierarch was honored by his flock as much as he was. All men die and are buried; the ever-memorable Chrysostomos was honored even dead!

Does this not move you?

The Great Chief Shepherd did not give you engolpia and episcopal staffs for the grave and the museums, but for action.

Most Reverend, Right Reverend Fathers,

Weigh the matter according to your conscience and measure your responsibilities. The shifting of responsibilities onto the chief culprits and those more competent does not make you irresponsible, but betrays moral cowardice.

Take care, for the engolpia are transformed into millstones that drag men down!

A numerous flock asks you to perform your highest duty.

What will you do?

 

 

 

The Spiritual Inheritance of St. Chrysostomos the New, Confessor and Hierarch

Greek source: The Voice of Orthodoxy, Nos. 348-349, October 10, 1960 (O.S.), pp. 2-3.

 

 

The memorial service [for St. Chrysostomos the New] that was performed, and the memorial gathering that followed in the afternoon, may be characterized as a manifestation of the deepest respect and sincere gratitude. From all parts of Greece, they arrived at the Holy Church of Saint Paraskevi, in order to venerate with compunctionate reverence the precious bones of a confessor Hierarch, whom his age wronged. And even the memory of our ever-memorable shepherd Chrysostomos continues to electrify souls with as much intensity as his living presence captivated them.

The Ecclesiastical Committee is praiseworthy for the organization of the whole solemn manifestation on Sunday. Beyond these manifestations, however, enormous obligations are born with respect to his work and memory; obligations whose fulfillment is connected with the very being of our Sacred Struggle!

The former Metropolitan of Florina, Chrysostomos, from 1935, when together with the other hierarchs he joined the honorable and noble camp of the zealots of Orthodoxy, gave it a particular form, which raised our movement into ideal spheres. Of course, from the very beginning we note that the honor of organizing the movement belongs entirely to the venerable fathers of the Holy Mountain, who pointed out the dangers of the deviation, and to those first laymen, who thrust forward their breasts in the defense and protection of the principles and ideals of Orthodoxy.

The former Metropolitan of Florina, however, succeeded in bringing the movement to the fore and in framing it within the bounds of ecclesiastical propriety and seriousness.

He purified the idea from every intolerance, fanaticism, and passion, and preserved it from reckless adventurist undertakings which would have caused it to disappear completely. At the same time, he gave the movement its true character: defense!

Some explosive characters will perhaps be displeased with this characterization; for them, clamorous noise and destructive upheaval are the only way to conduct a struggle. Thus, in the name of Orthodoxy, they overthrow fundamental institutions of Orthodoxy, and thereby transform Orthodoxy into an unjustifiable obstinacy!!

Defense, however, was recommended by the heaven-treading Paul himself, when he said, “stand fast and hold fast”; and history confirms that defense is at times more crushing than attack and bears fairer fruits. Many times, from the ashes of those defending themselves there sprang up the flowers of victory and triumph.

Defense presupposes the deepest faith in the providence of God and sincere respect for Orthodoxy. How many times did the ever-memorable Chrysostomos not say: God will do what I did not do. Have patience and forgiveness.

Every action outside the sphere of cool-headed and prudent defense gives rise to canonical crimes, which, however much their perpetrators may justify them by the principle of necessity, do not cease to constitute a terrifying responsibility.

The spiritual inheritance, therefore, of our ever-memorable shepherd is Defense.

And this inheritance we are obliged to respect. God surely loves Orthodoxy more deeply than men do, and He is able to make worthy use of honorable struggles. On this we must not doubt!

The focal point of the concern of our Sacred Struggle is not only the form of its administration from above; it is the cohesion and spiritual preservation of its members.

The Ecclesiastical Committee, which is composed of pious and zealous fathers, supported by the clergy and laity of all Greece, can very well transform the strugglers into a holy and God-chosen flock, capable of surviving and of keeping the banner of Orthodoxy raised.

And it will achieve this because it possesses precious resources. Then, in harmonious cooperation with the various factors of our Sacred Struggle, it will also achieve the solution of the problem of Leadership, without this solution complicating the situation from the canonical side, and without making us appear as frivolous and laughable persons.

The soul of our ever-memorable shepherd watches over us, blesses us, and commands us from the holy, supercelestial, and noetic altar: “Let us stand well, let us stand with fear,” because piety, if it is not accompanied by prudence and respect for the holy order of Orthodoxy (canons and practice), then develops into Montanism, into Old Believer-type schism, and into the spectacle of “Bishops” holding a episcopal staff with one hand and with the other... their wife.

O Lord, deliver us from such aberrations.

The Toll-houses Debate: An American Phenomenon

Monk Theophan (Coverdill) | June 13, 2026 | Jordanville, NY

 

 

 

This paper was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Church History 520, a graduate-level course in Church History offered at Holy Trinity Orthodox Seminary during the Spring 2026 semester and taught by Protodeacon Andrei Psarev.

Introduction

In 2017, St. Anthony’s Greek Orthodox Monastery in Arizona published a 1,112-page work, entitled The Departure of the Soul According to the Teaching of the Orthodox Church, [1] presenting the teachings of over 120 saints about the ‘particular’ judgment. Differing from the Last Judgment, which will occur at the end of time when Christ returns, the ‘particular’ judgement occurs soon after a person has died. The book includes the endorsement of eight Orthodox hierarchs, and a section addressing over 100 falsifications, misrepresentations, and errors of those authors who wrote against this teaching of the Church. [2] The numerous authors and contributors to this work consider it as “definitively ending” [3] a 40-year controversy concerning the Church’s teaching on the trial of the soul at the hour of death.

What makes this controversy particularly interesting is that before the late nineteenth century there is no evidence of any opposition to the Orthodox teaching on this subject. The first allusion to such opposition appears in the words of St. Theophan the Recluse (d. 1894) [4] directed towards unbelief in the intelligentsia: “No matter how absurd the idea of the toll-houses may seem to our ‘wise-men’ they will not escape passing through them.” [5] Nevertheless, when Deacon Lev Puhalo (the future Archbishop Lazar, b. 1941) [6] expressed his objection to this teaching in 1979, he claimed to be building upon the opinions of many people who had previously rejected the doctrine but had not published their opinions. Although within two years his writings against this teaching were condemned as unorthodox by the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR), he and subsequent writers continued to pronounce on the topic, and this developed into a 40-year controversy.

The purpose of this essay will be neither to consider the Orthodox teaching on the trial of the soul after death, nor the arguments of its opponents. The reader seeking such a study may refer to the above-mentioned book. Rather, this essay will consider what the toll-house controversy reveals about the state of Orthodoxy and theological debate in postmodern America, focusing primarily on individuals within the ROCOR. Why is it that this teaching, which had been accepted since the apostolic age, suddenly became the subject of such heated controversy?

Overview of the controversy

In 1976, following the introduction of new techniques for resuscitating the clinically dead, the subject of life after death became one of widespread popularity in the western world. In particular, Dr. Raymond A. Moody’s book, Life after Life, sparked great interest, selling over two million copies. [7] As a result, Hieromonks Seraphim and Herman [8] received in their small wilderness skete in Platina, California, many letters from those seeking an Orthodox understanding of the seemingly inexplicable phenomenon being described in such books. In response, Fr. Herman gave Fr. Seraphim the third volume of the writings of St Ignatius Brianchaninov, which addresses the question of the soul after death. [9] Although Fr. Seraphim initially planned to translate it, Fr. Herman contended this was insufficient and encouraged him to apply the teachings of Bishop Ignatius [10] to contemporary “after death experiences,” as well as the popular occult texts which people were then turning to for an explanation of such phenomena. [11] The result was The Soul After Death, [12] which in 1977 Fr. Seraphim began to serialize in The Orthodox Word. Chapter Six, “The Aerial Toll-houses,” presents the patristic teaching of the particular judgment which occurs three days after death. Citing the references of patristic writings, the Church services, and the lives of the saints to toll-houses and tax-collectors, Fr. Seraphim explains how souls passing through the air are tested by the fallen spirits. In so doing, he cautions against a rationalist or “literal” understanding of these texts, noting that the experiences described are “quite different from our earthly concepts of time and space” and that therefore “our accounts of these experiences in earthly language invariably fall short of the reality.” [13]

In 1978, Deacon Lev Puhalo published an article in The Tlingit Herald, [14] an Orthodox journal that he began while serving the Tlingit people of Alaska, objecting to the teaching of life after death set forth in The Soul after Death. His objections, however, were not only against The Soul after Death, but also against the same views that were to be found in publications of Holy Trinity Monastery in Jordanville, New York, particularly the article, “The Church’s Prayer for the Dead” published in Orthodox Life of January-February, 1978, the article “Unbelievable for Many but Actually a True Occurrence,” which was published by Orthodox Life in July-August, 1976, and the anthology Eternal Mysteries Beyond the Grave, which had been published in 1968, as well as a sermon of Archbishop John Maximovitch (d. 1966), “Life After Death”, which was published in The Orthodox Word in 1971. Fr. Lev critiqued the latter homily as “so legalistic and juridical that one might suspect it was merely a Latin apology for the doctrine of purgatory and indulgences,” expressing concern about a “hint of some legalistic form of Origenism or potential semi-Origenism,” and suggesting that it distorts Orthodox teachings. He labels the teaching of the toll-houses as being in turn “pagan,” “anti-Orthodox,” and “Protestant.” In conclusion, he states:

… we know for certain that this Orthodox Life article does not constitute an exposition of Orthodox Christian doctrine, or even of an established belief or confession, despite its apparent intent to do so.

In 1979, in a letter to a ROCOR clergyman, Fr. Seraphim expressed concerns about Father Lev’s article, noting that:

several times, [Deacon Lev] has indicated that the Orthodox teaching on the ‘toll-houses’ encountered by the soul after death is not to be understood as set forth by the Holy Fathers and in the lives of the Saints, but rather is to be thrown out entirely or reinterpreted as an ‘allegory.’ [15]

In response to Deacon Lev, Fr. Seraphim wrote his “Answer to a Critic” as an appendix to The Soul After Death, in which he addresses the errors of Deacon Lev. [16] In turn, Fr. Lev responded with a thirty-seven page Open Letter in which he argued that (Saint) Bishop Ignatius did not accept the teaching of the Scriptures and the Church, and went on to suggest that that was also true of Fr. Seraphim. [17]

In 1980, Father Seraphim wrote to Bishop Gregory [18] concerning the Open Letter, expressing no intent to continue the conflict: “I have replied that my ‘answer’ is already contained in Appendix III of The Soul After Death, and I intend to say nothing further on the subject.” [19] Thus, for his part, Fr. Seraphim ended the polemic between the two. Nevertheless, Fr. Lev continued to write and speak on the topic. As a result, on 19 November, 1980, the ROCOR Synod denounce Fr Lev’s teaching on the ‘particular’ judgement as erroneous and unorthodox and ordered him to cease his activities, noting that his writing may “cause great harm to the souls of the faithful.” [20] Nevertheless, Deacon Lev and others have continued to publish writings which “have fueled a controversy for nearly forty years, even to this present day.” [21]

The Response of the ROCOR Synod

The response of the ROCOR Synod was swift: in 1978, Fr. Lev first published his objections to the teaching of the Church on the trial of the soul after death, and, by 1980, his statements were already officially condemned as un-orthodox, and he was ordered to cease speaking on the topic. The Synod identified Hieromonk Seraphim as initiating the controversy, “despite various reservations,” but noted that Deacon Lev Puhalo’s accusations of heresy, which were written “with a spirit of condemnation” were incorrect. They expressed the concern that such a “controversy can cause great harm to the souls of the faithful.” Having presented a theological assessment of the errors of Fr. Lev’s teaching, the bishops conclude:

To add conjectures to the little that the Lord has been pleased to reveal to us is not beneficial to our salvation, and all disputes in this domain are now especially detrimental, the more so when they become the object of the discussion of people who have not been fully established in the Faith. Acrid polemic apart from the spirit of mutual love turns such an exchange of opinions from a deliberation into an argument about words. The positive preaching of truths of the Church may be profitable, but not disputes in an area which is not subject to our investigation, but which evokes in the unprepared reader false notions on questions of importance to our salvation. [22]

In brief, the stated reasons for objecting to the controversy are the following: first, it is “detrimental” to those who are not yet “fully established in the Faith,” that is, it is poses a particular danger to converts to Orthodoxy; second, without a “spirit of mutual love” any debate inevitably descends from “deliberation” to passionate “argument,” that is, a public polemic is not the appropriate means of resolving theological disputes; third, the “positive preaching of truths of the Church” is more profitable than speculative disputes. Thus, it should be noted that the response of the Synod is resoundingly negative: the controversy is viewed as dangerous, not only because of theological errors in the writings of Fr. Lev, but also because it provokes the passions and confuses those not grounded in the faith.

On November 9, 1980, prior to this official statement, Bishop Gregory had already expressed his concerns in a letter to Fr. Lev:

…the controversy to which you have given such a personal tint cannot do good to people, especially as some points about life after death, which are not open to us, are treated with too much assurance and dogmatism.

He then references “an old dispute between Bishops Theophan and Ignaty,” noting that “in old Russia” such a dispute would only be discussed in “special theological publications,” as a result of which it posed no danger to the “souls of simple people.” He contrasts this with the actions of Fr. Lev, who has sent out his writings “very liberally,” leading them to being “read by converts who are often unable yet to discern what is really essential and dogmatically valid.”  Hence, he concludes that Deacon Lev’s “exercise in polemic may in some cases be dangerous for their souls.” [23] Here Bishop Gregory’s concerns relate to the unique circumstances of postmodern America, in which mass literacy and communication technologies have facilitated more widespread access to spiritual writings than in the past. His concern is that such converts may be harmed by being exposed to writings and ideas that are beyond their spiritual state.

One may summarize Bishop Gregory’s concerns as follows: first, Bishop Gregory observes that Fr. Lev added a “personal tint” to the controversy and handled the subject with “too much assurance and dogmatism”; second, Bishop Gregory expresses concern that the public nature of the controversy is inherently dangerous. He contrasts this with ‘old Russia’ where such disputes were relegated to “special theological publications,” in which they posed no danger to the “souls of simple people.” That is, such disputes were the province of educated clergy and hierarchs, not laity. In contrast, due to the public nature of this polemic, “converts” or “simple souls” lacking discernment may be spiritually damaged. Thus, according to Bishop Gregory, such theological debates are harmful for two reasons: first, such a “personal” polemic is dangerous insofar as passions, such as pride, i.e., speaking with “too much assurance,” may distort one’s judgment; second, public debate may reach those lacking discernment, thus endangering their souls.

The Attitude of Fr. Lev Towards the Controversy

Having considered the specific objections of the ROCOR Synod to the controversy, it is necessary to consider the attitudes of the participants themselves towards the controversy, starting with Fr. Lev. As noted, the ROCOR Synod responded by asking the participants to cease the polemic, noting the danger it posed to the simple and those lacking spiritual discernment. It was also noted that, even before this official statement, Fr. Seraphim had ended the polemic by refusing to engage with Fr. Lev’s Open Letter, which Fr. Seraphim described as seeming to be a “deliberate provocation” rather than “a serious or well-meaning approach to matters he disputes.” Father Lev, however, objected to this official response, as well as Bishop Gregory’s specific command to cease speaking on the matter.

On December 18, 1980, a month after the official statement of the Synod, Fr. Lev wrote to Bishop Gregory asserting that “no one could possibly construe” his actions as disobedient and claiming that “your letter is hindering me from continuing to print and say things which do not contain any ‘heresies’ or ‘false teachings.’” He concluded by claiming that: “I have in no way disobeyed anything which you said to me either personally or in writing.” Father Lev also objected to the Bishop’s command to cease teaching, arguing that “the implications of what you are saying here and doing have very disturbing political overtones and implications.” Instead, he reasserted his “absolute innocence,” contending that “there are simply no grounds for what you are saying in this present letter.” [24]

Bishop Gregory replied to Father Lev’s letter, repeating the clear and definite command from the ROCOR Synod to cease teaching, reminding him that: “You were requested to stop the preaching of your unorthodox personal views, which can bring only confusion in the minds of the faithful, especially converts.” Bishop Gregory then continued to note that Fr. Lev’s concerns about the “political implications” of his statements are “patently absurd” and “without basis.” Rather, he reminds him that the ROCOR Synod had upheld the “orthodox view” on the teaching of life after death for “pastoral” reasons and on “purely dogmatic grounds.”

Bishop Gregory then offered Deacon Lev a clear choice: “…either to obey the voice of the Church or to adhere proudly to the errors present in your writings.” He warned that “once all the bishops have recognized your teaching as foreign to the Church’s teaching, you may continue to disseminate it only on your own responsibility and outside the Church.” Bishop Gregory cautioned that “your error will inexorably begin to transform itself into heresy, and you will be dealt with accordingly.” He concluded,

Dear father, can you not understand that acceptance of your views would entail the disavowal of the teaching embodied in all the manuals of dogmatic theology and in a great many prayers of the Church?

Bishop Gregory’s concern is twofold: first, the views that Deacon Lev promotes are erroneous and unorthodox; second, as a result, such views will cause confusion for the faithful, especially converts.

In 1981, in response to another letter from Deacon Lev, Bishop Gregory further explains these objections, emphasizing the danger posed by the passions. He advises him to not interpret the “decision of the Synod” as well as his own “reactions” as being influenced by “personal feelings, sympathies, or biases.” Rather, he emphasized that his judgment, as well as the judgment of the Synod is influenced by one thing: preserving the “right teachings of the Church,” and her best interests in general. In the same letter, Bishop Gregory then addresses the specific passion of pride. He speaks of the “test of humility,” which is vital when addressing polemical theological questions. He observes that: “a mistake in dogmatical explanations becomes heresy only when a person is influenced by pride, insists on everything of his, and does not wish to listen to the bishops.”

At the beginning of the conflict, in 1978, in a letter to Bishop Laurus (the future Metropolitan Laurus), [25] Fr. Seraphim also expressed concern about the passion of pride, which is aroused in such conflicts, noting that what is particularly disturbing about Fr. Lev’s statements is not so much his opinions, as his “exalted, superior tone,” which is reflected in his “name-calling” and accusing the Russians of being “under Western influence,” being naive and being “untheological,” believing in “moral fables,” and so on. He notes that this is not the product of a theological spirit but of “intellectual conceit.” [26]

In summary, in these letters Fr. Lev expresses a strong conviction in the correctness of his teaching, as well as distrust towards the official Synodal response, accusing them of being politically motivated. In turn, his opponents recognize this strong conviction of Fr. Lev, interpreting it negatively, as giving a “personal tint” to the controversy and being the product of “intellectual conceit.” They express the concern that the assurance with which Fr. Lev expresses himself may be a sign of pride and may lead to heresy if he does not acknowledge his theological errors.

The Attitude of Hieromonk Seraphim towards the Controversy

In 1979, Fr. Seraphim wrote:

This [polemic] makes us sad, and troubles us—why does such unnecessary conflict have to be stirred up in the Church? We ourselves (and the Fathers at Jordanville) have no desire or intention to enter into a public debate on this subject, and we are all doing what we can to handle this situation quietly.” [27]

Here, Fr. Seraphim gives the reasons for his negative response to the controversy. First, he considers it “unnecessary;” second, speaking on behalf of the Fathers of Jordanville, he expresses “no desire or intention to enter into public debate,” hoping rather that it will be resolved “quietly.” Thus Fr. Seraphim expresses a detached attitude towards the conflict, seeking to direct attention away from his incidental, personal involvement, to the broader issue at stake.

In 1980, in a letter to Bishop Gregory, Fr. Seraphim wrote:

[Deacon Lev’s] whole polemical approach to Church questions is profoundly distasteful to us–as, I am sure, it is to almost all the clergy in our Church… I must say that for my part, although I realize [the critic’s] articles were occasioned by my own articles (they will bear my signature in the book form), I do not regard this ‘debate’ as primarily a personal one at all. For one thing, it hasn’t really been a ‘debate’ at all, since all the attacking is coming from his side; and for another, the attack is not really against me, since the basic part of my articles is simply a retelling of the teaching of Archbishop John Maximovitch, Bishop Ignatius Briachaninov, Bishop Theophan the Recluse, etc. – but rather an attack against this teaching itself.” [28]

Here, one may observe two things. First, Fr. Seraphim expressed a negative attitude towards the polemical approach of Fr. Lev; a negative attitude which, he suggested, most of the clergy of the ROCOR shared. Second, he did not consider the debate to be a personal attack, but, rather, an attack against the Fathers of the Church and against the teaching itself. While Fr. Lev interpreted criticisms of his writings as a personal attack upon himself, Fr Seraphim took the opposite view, preferring to direct attention away from himself.

In 1983, Fr. Alexey Young (the future Hieromonk Ambrose) [29] reflected on Fr. Seraphim’s attitude towards such conflicts, noting that “in his personal life, Fr. Seraphim especially shrank from any kind of controversy or disturbance,” and “wished to be far away” from any situations that might arouse passions. He concludes by noting the irony that, despite having such an attitude, Fr. Seraphim “more than once found it necessary to speak out (with the printed word).” [30] According to Fr. Alexey, Fr. Seraphim’s aversion to such conflicts was rooted in an ascetic ethos, which “shrank” from any situation that might arouse the passions. Given this, Fr, Alexey notes that it was ironic that Fr. Seraphim felt the need to “speak out” on various matters. This assessment concurs with Fr. Seraphim’s own attitude of aversion towards the conflict, suggesting that his reason for involvement in the controversy was purely pastoral: that is, despite having no personal desire to do so, he spoke out as guided by his pastoral conscience in order to address a matter that he viewed as potentially harmful to the salvation of many.

Writing in 2003, Hieromonk Damascene [31] reflects on Fr. Seraphim’s attitude towards such conflicts, noting that he “shied away from becoming involved in protracted public controversies,” and if it was necessary to defend traditional Orthodox teaching, “he would usually write a single article to defend it,” following the example of Saint John Maximovitch, but would then “leave the matter at that.” [32] Fr. Damascene’s observation is particularly interesting, in that he understands Fr. Seraphim as following the example of St. John Maximovitch (d. 1966).  In specific, Fr. Seraphim emphasized that:

“The important thing we learn from his writings is: [to] stand above the level of fighting in theology. If you take up the writings of Archbishop John, whether a sermon or a long article, you see that there is absolutely no controversy…. For him theology was not a matter of just reading books and writing things out, but was first of all a matter of absorbing the teaching of the Church in the services. And that is why the attitude of controversy, of polemics, is absent in his works, even when he is proving what’s right and what’s wrong.” [33]

As such, he sets forth the actions of Fr. Seraphim as being worthy of emulation, in that Fr. Seraphim himself emulated the example of a renowned contemporary saint. He continues: “he did not raise a finger when the critic of The Soul After Death took up arms against him with a scathing Open Letter; and thus the ‘controversy’ which the critic had evoked eventually died down of itself.” [34]

The Cultural Context of the Controversy

Having considered the attitudes of the major parties involved, as well as their specific concerns about such public theological debates, let us now consider the specific setting of the conflict: postmodern America, in which mass  literacy and communication technologies have contributed to widespread missionary work and conversion, widespread access to the writings of the Holy Fathers, including writings such as The Philokalia that were written for those of a very advanced spiritual state, and more democratic and widespread access to avenues for publishing. In 2003, in his biography of Fr. Seraphim, Hieromonk Damascene notes that

…most of these criticisms [of the teaching] have come from people living in America; very few have come from people living in Orthodox lands, where The Soul After Death is generally held in high regard. [35]

He observes that Fr. Seraphim ascertained the reason for this: for the “pampered” and “self-centered” lifestyle in America, the Orthodox teaching on the afterlife seems too severe. In contrast, because of the “more sober outlook” in Orthodox countries, people there have “have little or no problem in accepting the Orthodox teaching on death.” [36] These observations supplement the objection of Bishop Gregory to the controversy, in which he expressed concern that it would endanger new converts who may lack discernment. Here, Fr. Damascene contrasts the “pampered” and “self-centered” lifestyle of America to the “more sober outlook on life” in traditionally Orthodox countries, as the reason for this lack of discernment. Fr. Damascene seems to be building upon the views of Fr. Seraphim, as expressed in The Soul after Death, in which Fr. Seraphim notes that “the Orthodox teaching on life after death is rather severe and demands a very sober response on our part,” whereas contemporary man is “very pampered and self-centered and would rather not hear of such stern realities as judgment and accountability for sins.” [37]

In addition to moral laxity and the “self-centered” lifestyle of America, Fr. Seraphim also identifies the rationalistic Western mindset as another danger in theological debate. In 1979, in a letter to another clergyman, Fr. Seraphim notes that, while presenting his “unorthodox” views,

[Fr. Lev] undermines respect for the Lives of the Saints and other basic Orthodox sources, seeking rather to establish himself as the ‘interpreter’ of these sources for all of us who are not as modern and ‘sophisticated’ as he is. …this… is something just as bad as what Fr. Schmemann [38] is doing in the OCA; but we never expected to see such modernism and rationalism in our Russian Church Outside of Russia! [39]

Here Fr. Seraphim connects the passion of pride, or “intellectual conceit,” with the broader trend towards “modernism” and “rationalism.” A month later, in June 1979, he wrote:

…it is all bound up with the great problem of our present-day Orthodoxy (where it tries to be serious and faithful to tradition); too much calculation and not enough heart. We’ve seen this… in numerous converts; well, why look further – I see it in myself, it’s part of the air we breathe in our ‘enlightened,’ mind-oriented times.” [40]

Two months later, in August 1979, Fr. Seraphim suggested the proper alternative to such rationalism, noting that due to an overemphasis on “head knowledge,” which is emphasized “at the expense of the proper development of emotional and spiritual life…the Patristic teaching on pain of heart is one of the most important teachings for our days.” He continued by noting that the “lack of this essential experience” is responsible for “the dilettantism, the triviality, the want of seriousness in the ordinary study” that characterized the study of the Holy Fathers in his day. [41]

What is the Proper Response to Theological Controversy?

This essay has primarily focused on the negative aspects of the conflict, the reasons why such a controversy was viewed as dangerous and unnecessary. Now it is worth considering what Fr. Seraphim proposed as a more productive response to such polemics. First, as mentioned above, he emulated the example of Saint John Maximovitch, who, seeing an error that posed a danger to his flock, as a good pastor, wrote a letter addressing the matter, but engaged in no further polemic. In his own pastoral work, Fr. Seraphim encouraged others to avoid such conflicts. When, in 1979, Andrew Bond (the future Deacon Andrew Bond) wrote to him, complaining about the statements of some bishops, Fr. Seraphim advised him that:

…“the best thing is to ‘forget it’…All of this is a sad background for our present Orthodox labors–here you are right. But please listen to this: We simply cannot let our attitudes, inspiration, and missionary labors take their tone from all these negative factors: we must ourselves be generating a positive outlook that will inspire ourselves and others.” [42]

Here, Fr. Seraphim’s attitude towards Church controversy is similar to the Patristic attitude towards sinful thoughts: simply do not engage with them. By directing one’s attention toward the sinful thought or scandal, one allows them to set the “tone” and negatively influence our own actions. Thus, rather than allowing one’s labors to be fueled by such “negative factors,” Fr. Seraphim insists that one must generate one’s own “positive outlook.” In 1980, Fr. Seraphim warned against a “negative Orthodoxy that defines itself by what it is not,” i.e., that defines itself as anti-Western, anti-Latin, anti-scholastic, and so on, suggesting that one ought rather to emphasize the “positive Orthodox Gospel.” [43]

Finally, Fr. Seraphim proposes a moral lesson about the providential purpose of the controversy:

Perhaps a ‘positive’ side of [the critic’s] articles is that they have caused us to present the Orthodox teaching with maximum clarity, keeping in mind any possible distortions.” [44]

In his biography of Fr. Seraphim, Hieromonk Damascene cites the publication of numerous works on the teaching of the toll-houses (the particular judgment) as confirmation of the correctness of this observation, specifically listing: The Future Life According to Orthodox Teaching by Constantine Cavarnos; [45] The Mystery of Death by Nikolaos P. Vassiliadis; [46] Life after Death by Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos; [47] and After Death by Archimandrite Vasilios Bakogiannis. [48] He also cites a homily of Elder Ephraim of Arizona on the toll-houses, which was included in The Departure of the Soul According to the Teaching of the Orthodox Church by St. Anthony’s Greek Orthodox Monastery in 2020. [49] In the final entry in the acknowledgements section of The Departure of the Soul, the authors list “Lazar Puhalo, former ‘Archbishop of Ottawa’…without whose previous efforts this publication would most likely have not been produced.”  While this essay has focused specifically on the reactions to the toll-house debate within America, the above-mentioned books published in Greece or by Athonite writers (Elder Ephraim) suggests the broader relevance of the controversy. In particular, this supports the view of Fr. Seraphim and Fr. Damascene that, having a more sober outlook, those living in historically Orthodox countries have less difficulty accepting the teaching of the Church on the ‘particular’ judgment.

Conclusion

The toll-house controversy attests to the unique situation of Orthodoxy in postmodern America. A specialized theological debate, which beforehand would have only been accessible to learned theologians and hierarchs, suddenly became a public affair. Nevertheless, the attitudes of all the participants towards the controversy, with the exception of Fr. Lev, were decidedly sober and pessimistic, viewing the conflict as potentially dangerous and unnecessary. However, Fr. Seraphim, Fr. Damascene, and the monks of St. Anthony’s Monastery all point to a providential, positive side of the conflict, in that it led to the clarification and confirmation of the teaching of the toll-houses and the refutation of the errors of its opponents.

What, then, does this controversy suggest about the state of theological debate in America? The controversy suggests that unique historical and cultural circumstances of Orthodoxy in postmodern America make public theological debate possible in a form that was unknown in pre-revolutionary Russia, in which such debate was confined to specialist theological journals. However, the contemporary possibility of public theological debate presents various problems, some specific to postmodern Western societies and some rooted in human nature. First, personal passions, such as pride, are likely to distort judgment, potentially leading to heresy. Second, in a post-industrial society of mass literacy a public theological debate may reach people lacking discernment, who may thus be confused and endangered. Third, the rationalistic ethos of Western society encourages an intellectual approach to such questions, which, when separated from the ascetic life of prayer and spiritual struggle, is likely to lead to distorted judgment. Fourth, the individualistic culture of America — what Fr. Seraphim described as the “self-centered lifestyle of America” — presents obstacles to a sober attitude towards theological matters.

Nonetheless, while noting these inherent dangers, Fr. Seraphim in no way expressed a pessimistic or negative attitude. On the contrary, his very attitude of moderation and sobriety in relation to theological controversy was rooted in a practical and positive attitude towards Orthodoxy in the West. While defending the traditional teaching when it proved necessary, according to the example of St John Maximovitch, Fr. Seraphim was careful not to allow any personal feelings or considerations to influence his writings. Moreover, this was not his primary focus, nor was it what he emphasized in his pastoral work. On the contrary, he warned of the spiritual dangers of a “negative Orthodoxy” that defines itself by what it is not, encouraging others instead to focus on preaching the “positive Orthodox gospel” and, through one’s own personal ascetic struggles, to develop a positive outlook that can inspire others.

 

References

1. Saint Anthony’s Greek Orthodox Monastery. The Departure of the Soul According to the Teaching of the Orthodox Church. (2017).

2. See Chapter 7: “On the Falsifications, Misrepresentations, and Errors of Those Who Oppose the Teaching of the Orthodox Church,” pages 724-822 and 910-985: a profound critique of the writings of Deacon Lev Puhalo.

3. Departure (2017). 41.

4. Saint Theophan the Recluse was a Russian Orthodox bishop and theologian, who was glorified as a saint in 1988. He is renowned for his writings on the spiritual life, commentaries on Holy Scripture, and translation activity.

5. Departure (2017).719.

6. Fr. Lev Puhalo is a retired hierarch of the Orthodox Church in America. Before being received into the OCA in 2002, he served in different clerical ranks in the ROCOR, the Free Serbian Orthodox Church, the Church of the Genuine Orthodox Christians of Greece, the Holy Synod of Milan, and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. His theological writings, which criticize the notion of toll-houses, have caused much disagreement. This essay will refer to him as Deacon Lev or Fr. Lev, since this was his title during the period of the controversy. In fact, the OCA has forbidden Fr. Lev from publicizing his controversial views on other matters, such as homosexuality and transgenderism.

7. Moody, Raymond. Life After Life. (Mockingbird Books, 1975.)

8. Hieromonk Seraphim (Rose) (d.1982) co-founded the Saint Herman of Alaska Monastery in Platina, California with Monk Herman (Podmoshensky) (d. 2014).

9. Christensen, Damascene. Father Seraphim Rose: His Life and Works. (St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 2003.) 88.

10. Saint Ignatius (Brianchaninov) (d. 1867) was a bishop and theologian of the Russian Orthodox Church. He is considered to be one of the greatest patristic writers of the nineteenth century and was glorified in 1988.

11. Christensen (2003). 888.

12. Rose, Seraphim. The Soul after Death: Contemporary “After-Death” Experiences in the Light of the Orthodox Teaching on the Afterlife. (Platina, California, St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 2004)

13. Rose (2004). 69.

14. The Tlingit Herald was an Orthodox publication started by Deacon Lev Puhalo while serving in south-eastern Alaska among the Tlingit people. In 1980, after moving to Canada, he changed the name of the publication to Orthodox Missionary and then to Orthodoxy Canada.

15. Letters of Father Seraphim Rose (LFSR): letter to Fr. Roman, May 1, 1979.

https://thoughtsintrusive.wordpress.com/letters-of-fr-seraphim-rose-1961-1982/ accessed June, 2026.

16. Rose (2004). Appendix III: Answer to a Critic, 229-260.

17. Christensen (2003). 900.

18. Bishop Gregory (Grabbe) of Washington and Florida (d.1995) was a bishop of the ROCOR.

19. LFSR: Letter to Bishop Gregory, November 9, 1980.

20. Extract from the Minutes of the Session of the Synod of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia, from http://orthodoxinfo.com/death/tollhouse_debate.aspx accessed June, 2026.

21. Departure (2017). 41.

22. Extract from the Minutes of the Session of the Synod of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia. The Debate Over Aerial Toll-Houses accessed June, 2026.

23. Letter of Bishop Gregory to Deacon Lev, November 9, 1980.

24. Letter from Deacon Lev Puhalo to Bishop Gregory, December 18, 1980. 

25. Metropolitan Laurus (Škurla) (d. 2008) was First Hierarch of the ROCOR, 2001 – 2008.

26. LFSR: letter to Bishop Laurus, October 31, 1978.

27. LFSR: letter to Father Roman, May 14, 1979.

28. LFSR: letter to Bishop Gregory, December 22, 1980.

29. Father Alexey Young (d. 2022), spiritual son of Fr. Seraphim (Rose), authored books and articles on Orthodox Christianity. 

30. Christensen (2003). 910.

31. Igoumen Damascene (Christensen) (b.1961) is an igoumen of the Serbian Orthodox Church. He was converted to Orthodoxy after listening to a lecture by Fr Seraphim Rose. In 2013 he became abbot of St. Herman of Alaska Monastery, Platina.

32. Christensen (2003). 908.

33. Rose, S. “The Theological Writings of Archbishop John and the Question of ‘Western Influence’ in Orthodox Theology,” Orthodox Word, 175-176 (1994). 146, 154-158.

34. Christensen (2003). 908.

35. Christensen (2003). 904.

36. Christensen (2003). 904.

37. Rose (2004). 259-260.

38. Protopresbyter Alexander Schmemann (d. 1983). Priest of the Orthodox Church in America. See chapter 60, “Modern Academic Theology” in Igoumen Damascene (Christensen), Father Seraphim Rose: His Life and Works. (St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 2003.)

39. LFSR: letter to Fr Roman, May 14, 1979.

40. LFSR: letter to Fr Theodore, June 6, 1979.

41 “The Holy Fathers of Orthodox Spirituality: Introduction, III: How Not to Read the Holy Fathers.” Orthodox Word, no. 65 (1975). 239.

42. LFSR: letter to Andrew Bond, August 23, 1979.

43. LFSR: letter to Fr. Demetrios, June 22, 1980.

44. LFSR: letter to Mrs. Prokopchuk, August 22, 1979.

45. Cavarnos, Constantine. The Future Life According to Orthodox Teaching. (Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies, 1985).

46. Vassiliadis, Nikolaos P. The Mystery of Death. (Orthodox Brotherhood, 1993).

47. Vlachos, Hierotheos. Life after Death. (Birth of the Theotokos Monastery, 1993)

48. Bakogiannis, Vasilios. After Death (Tertios, 2001).

49. Departure (2017). Introduction: “The Trial of the Soul at the Hour of Death,” from Elder Ephraim’s spoken homilies delivered to the Brotherhood of Philotheou Monastery (Mount Athos) on January 6, 1977 and April 5, 1978. 24.

 

Source:

https://www.rocorstudies.org/2026/07/07/the-toll-houses-debate-an-american-phenomenon/

 

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