Friday, July 10, 2026

Patriarch of Constantinople calls for a “Permanent Pan-Religion Synod”

Dimitrios Lambropoulos, theologian | November 23, 2023

 

 

Patriarch Bartholomew was in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (November 3-6, 2023) where he delivered two talks, the first at the 16th “World Politics Conference” with the general theme “The international system between globalization and disintegration: Which forces will prevail?” His talk was entitled, “Religion: Hope in a changing world”. His second talk entitled, “The compass of conscience: Guiding ethical action in a warming world” was given at the “COP28” conference on the so-called climate change, which had as its general theme, “Stream of Consciousness: Uniting Faith Leaders for Planetary Revival”How many times has the Patriarch traveled to a rich Arab country to preach Christ?

Religion: The network of politics

The Patriarch stated at the outset that in the context of the present conference, he would not be talking about faith as salvation. He stated,

“The question asked [Which forces will prevail?”] has a broader scope, that of the global future. It concerns the political and geopolitical influence of religion.”

That is, religion can be a mechanism to parallel other institutions, and offer hope:

“If the economy and politics can no longer inspire hope, can we turn to religion?”

He not only equates religion with the secular sphere, but also equates all religions:

“In their teachings and rituals and in the organization of social ties, religions mobilize the wisdom that man has accumulated for millennia.”

He also says,

“Our [diverse] faith traditions share fundamental teachings concerning the spiritual responsibility to care for God’s creation. Our sacred texts command us to protect our common home.”

So according to him, all religions have wisdom, love for God’s creation (even though some believe in “deities” who oppose the Creation) and sacred texts. “Wisdom”, the Patriarch is saying, is human, not divine, as the Apostle says (1 Cor 2:1-16). “Rituals” (read magic) are approved by him as the path of [acquiring] this “wisdom”!

All of these words were spoken for only one purpose: To promote the religions as the healers of the political systems:

“Religions have, in their traditions, the necessary elements to fill the void that has settled in souls. [Religions] can help breathe new life into democratic societies.” (!)

as the following:

“Religious and indigenous communities offer ancient wisdom for sustainable living today; their voices can help transform society.”

So then, according to the Patriarch, is saving a democratic society also a goal of theocratic Islam??

The Patriarch also says that religions have an advantage over secular institutions as mechanisms:

“Religious institutions have the ability to reach, through their teachings, more people than international organizations, think tanks or NGOs.”

That is, it is easy for them to go after people because of what they proclaim, even if it means terrorizing souls or peddling false metaphysical expectations.

The Phanar: The perfect hook

It is easy for one to see that the patriarchal line of reasoning gradually leads the minds of his listeners to his purpose, to demonstrate the Patriarchate of Constantinople’s position and role in this mechanism. The reasoning is plain to see:

“Most religious networks cross continents and borders. Therefore, they form a spiritual structure that can help moderate the forces of separation and division... The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, with its global presence, is a model example of this. Its presence and acceptance could prove particularly beneficial.”

So we see that the universal Orthodox Church is nowhere to be seen, having been replaced by, and only by, the Patriarchate of Constantinople! The Phanar views itself as a multinational company called “Patriarchate Corp.” and not as the Church of the true Faith. As for the other autocephalous Orthodox Churches, they are written off. The reason he wants jurisdiction over the entire Diaspora is not for the canonical reasons he has maintained, but in order to have power which he can use as a negotiating card for his political objectives.

The Patriarchate inserts itself into “world politics” and touts itself as the unifying force of the world, holding in one hand the world roadmap which penetrates the other religions, and in the other hand the “parchments” to support him, which other religious groups involved in inter-religious dialogue initiatives do not possess:

“The long history of coexistence, dialogue and exchanges, not only with Judaism, but also with Islam, is a real advantage the Christian world has.”

and also:

“We remain active participants in the inter-religious dialogue, for the protection of the environment.”

“The new normal” according to Patriarch Bartholomew

It is evident that his dialoguing is conducted for no other reason but to serve the priorities of the political “agenda”: now the environment, now health measures, now the ideology about the “West”, etc. It is not by chance that he refers to: “relations between the West and the rest of the world”. He says, “The Russian invasion of Ukraine and now the terrible war between Hamas and Israel have revealed a growing spiritual divide between these two blocs”. So Russia and Hamas belong to the same side... of “terrorism”?

However, “the big plan” suddenly comes into view with the following revelations in the two talks:

“Leaders of the different religions must coordinate their efforts in order to magnify the beneficial results of their ancestral traditions. This is why interfaith dialogue is necessary.”

and

“Cooperation is the new normal! Like never before, disparate groups are forming alliances to protect civilization and planetary health. ... In order to sustain cooperation between different religions and partners in science and society, we must create a lasting mechanism... that will turn strong intentions into actualized results. Together we are greater from the sum of our parts.”!

Who will be “responsible” for this cooperation? The Phanar itself? “What kind of fellowship can light have with darkness?” (2 Cor 6:14) Could it be that, if international laws had not been established and if there were no political and military powers, that some [violent] religions would also be “peace-loving”?

The focus of his talks was “cooperation” among religions and the creation of a “permanent mechanism” in order to achieve this cooperation. How will this mechanism be implemented?

First, after we learn to respect or just tolerate people’s freedom to believe even in idols, we will be led to the next step, that of embracing other religions. How else will “cooperation” be possible?

Second, Orthodoxy will be abandoned as a witness to [Jesus Christ who is] the truth and the “Orthodox Church” will be promoted as a procurer of utilitarianism, since the criterion for its contribution will be “global benefit” as defined by the politicians...

Third, who will be the “coordinator” of this mechanism? Is anyone so naïve as to believe that a “permanent synod of religions” will be a neutral and independent body, while “the watchmen have the knowledge” of how all the international organizations function (UN, WHO, NATO, etc.)?

Is bowing to political agendas and promoting them part of the episcopal mission of the Patriarch of Constantinople?

Until now, no one had even thought of such a mechanism, and now all of a sudden Patriarch Bartholomew has this brilliant idea? What does “together we are greater from the sum of our parts” mean? What are the “parts” of the Patriarchate? Does togetherness with other religions surpass the power of God in the Orthodox Church? Is geopolitical influence the only concern of... “a man of God”?

Spokesperson of the USA?

It is dangerous, if not ecclesiastically reprehensible, to give a theoretical foundation to something completely foreign to theology. This reveals, therefore, that an equalizing of everything is being attempted, and not just that, but also the promotion of a pan-religion is being taken to the next level. Interfaith dialogue has been a preparatory stage in order to create the necessary conditions for this “permanent mechanism” proposed by... the “Orthodox” Patriarch! Subsequently, by submitting the religions to each political expediency, direct control of them is given to those who are “responsible”, who will keep their mouth closed when the state gives an order, since the “West” is always on the “right side of history”. For them, this new world religion is also inherently good, because it will be a creation of Antichrist! Whoever does not go along with the para-religion will be labeled as... a terrorist!

When the essentially non-existent hierarchy of the Phanar do not oppose Patriarch Bartholomew’s participating in “conferences of world politics” and his promoting views which they do not approve of, it means that already, nothing is left anymore, whatever it had is gone, not even a reminder that it is a Church!

 

Original Greek source:

https://orthodoxostypos.gr/%e1%bd%81-%ce%ba%cf%89%ce%bd%cf%83%cf%84%ce%b1%ce%bd%cf%84%ce%b9%ce%bd%ce%bf%cf%85%cf%80%cf%8c%ce%bb%ce%b5%cf%89%cf%82-%ce%ba%ce%b1%ce%bb%ce%b5%e1%bf%96-%ce%b4%ce%b9%ce%b1%cf%81%ce%ba%e1%bf%86/

English source:

https://www.orthodoxwitness.org/patriarch-of-constantinople-calls-for-apermanent-pan-religion-synod/

 

1935 Letter from Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) on Non-Concelebration with Sergianist Clergy


 

In 1935, Hieromonk Dimitry (Belfour), a priest under the jurisdiction of Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky), who had arrived on Mount Athos, approached Hieroschemamonk Ioannikios, the deputy abbot of the Russian Monastery of Saint Panteleimon. An Englishman by nationality and formerly a Catholic priest, he had previously converted to Orthodoxy and placed himself under Metropolitan Eleutherius (Bogoyavlensky), a supporter of Metropolitan Sergius. In connection with this, Hieroschemamonk Ioannikios asked the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia whether it was permissible to concelebrate with such a hieromonk. Metropolitan Anthony replied as follows in a letter dated November 21, 1935:

You ask whether it is possible to serve with the English “hieromonk” who was received into communion by Metropolitan Eleutherius. But since Metropolitan Eleutherius, as well as Bishop Benjamin [Fedchenkov], recognized the Moscow Metropolitan Sergius, while the latter recognized the godless Bolshevik authority and rejoices in its joys and weeps together with it, and since this gentleman... is one of Archbishop Benjamin’s chief collaborators in America and struggles there against our conciliar hierarchy, we have no communion with him. We advise you to act likewise. But should this same Mr. Belfour insist upon serving at all costs, he must be received into communion by the third rite, that is, through repentance, as Catholics are received. In conclusion, I wish you to beware of every counterfeit of Orthodoxy, of the various emissaries in sheep’s clothing from Metropolitan Eleutherius, Benjamin and Co., who speak loudly of the Moscow Patriarchal Church but have nothing in common with it and are, in fact, in the clutches of the Bolsheviks.

Russian source: A. A. Kostryukov, The Russian Church Abroad in 1925–1938, p. 406 / State Archive of the Russian Federation, Fonds 6343, Inventory 1, File 286, fol. 32.

Russian source online:

http://internetsobor.org/index.php/novosti/rptsz/pismo-mitropolita-antoniya-1935-g-o-nesosluzhenii-s-sergianskim-dukhovenstvom

A Statement from ROCOR on the Death of Joseph Stalin, the Executioner of the Russian People

Russian source: Церковная Жизнь, Nos. 3–4, March–April 1953, pp. 63–65.

 

 

The death of Stalin is the death of the greatest persecutor of the Christian Faith in history. The crimes of Nero, Diocletian, Julian the Apostate, and other impious men pale before his terrible deeds. No one can compare with him either in the number of his victims, in his cruelty toward them, or in the cunning with which he attained his aims. All satanic malice seemed to have become incarnate in this man, who, to an even greater degree than the Pharisees, deserves to be called a son of the devil.

An Orthodox Christian is especially horrified by his truly satanic, cruel, and deceitful policy toward the Church.

At first, there was the attempt to destroy her, both through the murder of outstanding pastors and believers and through her internal disintegration by means of artificially created schisms. Then came the coercion of her handpicked leaders to bow down before him and before the entire godless system directed by him. And not merely to bow down, but also to praise the persecutor of the Church as though he were her benefactor, calling black white and the satanic divine before the whole world.

When this most wicked persecutor of the Church was praised during his lifetime by archpastors and pastors who had fallen under the weight of the persecutions, this was a sign of the Church’s greatest humiliation. We could take consolation in the fact that this lie was put to shame by the struggle of countless fearless martyrs and secret Christians who rejected all the temptations of Satan.

The ancient persecutions likewise caused the fall of both hierarchs and laymen. In those times as well, there were people who, being unable to endure torments for Christ, either openly renounced Him or pretended to offer sacrifice to the idols, obtaining by indirect means a certificate attesting that they had offered a sacrifice which, in fact, they had not offered—the libellatici. The Church condemned not only the former, but also the latter for their deceitful cowardice and their denial of Christ—if not in their hearts, then before men.

But the history of the Church knows no other example of the creation of an entire ecclesiastical organization, headed by a Patriarch and a Council, founded upon bending the knee before an open enemy of God and glorifying him as though he were a benefactor. The blood of millions of believers cries out to God, yet the hierarch who calls himself Patriarch of All Rus’ seems not to hear it. He humbly thanks their murderer and the defiler of countless churches.

Stalin’s death brought this temptation to its highest blasphemous manifestation. The newspapers reported not only that Patriarch Alexy had venerated the remains of the godless enemy of Christ, but also that memorial services had been celebrated for him.

Can anything more blasphemous be imagined than a memorial service for Stalin? Can one pray without hypocrisy that the Lord would place the greatest persecutor of the Faith from ages past and enemy of God “in Paradise, where the choirs of the saints and the righteous shine as luminaries”? Truly, this prayer is sin and iniquity not only in essence, but also formally, for Stalin, together with the other People’s Commissars, had been excommunicated from the Church by His Holiness Patriarch Tikhon, and Patriarch Alexy himself, however much he bowed before Stalin, never dared to declare that this anathema had been lifted from him.

Prayer for the repose with the saints of an unrepentant sinner excommunicated from the Church is a blasphemous heresy, for it constitutes a confession that one can supposedly obtain the Kingdom of God in heaven by persecuting and exterminating His sons on earth in the name of destroying faith in God itself. This is a mingling of the Kingdom of God with the kingdom of darkness. It is no lesser a sin than an open denial of Christ, faith in Whom is thus professed to be unnecessary for participation in His Kingdom.

In this act of the Moscow ecclesiastical authority, the sin underlying it—which our confessors in Russia have so convincingly identified since 1927 and which our Church Abroad continues to denounce to this day—found its most striking manifestation.

 

Online: https://sinod.ruschurchabroad.org/Arh%20Synod%201953ianv_O%20Staline.htm

On the Unique Nature of Ecumenical Councils

St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite

Source: The Rudder (Pedalion) of the Metaphorical Ship of the One Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church of the Orthodox Christians, or All the Sacred and Divine Canons, by St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite, from English translation published by the Orthodox Christian Educational Society, Chicago, 1957, pp. 155-158, footnote 1 to the Prolegomena of the First Ecumenical Council.

 

 

I find some four characteristic features of Ecumenical Council here and there referred to by many authors, and especially by Dositheus (p. 1018 of the Dodecadiblos). Three of them are remote and common, and pertain to some local councils, whereas the other one is the most proximate, and, so to speak, the essential one, the constituent one, and is in fact the peculiar difference which distinguishes all Ecumenical Councils.

Thus, the chief distinguishing feature of all Ecumenical Councils is the fact that they are convoked at the behest, not of the Pope or of such and such a patriarch, but by imperial orders, i.e., at the behest of emperors or kings. This was the case also in connection with the council held in Sardica, which was convoked by Constantius and Constance; and also in connection with the council held in Antioch, which too was convoked by command of Constantius, though for another purpose than that of dedicating the temple in Antioch (Dositheus, p. 183 of the Dodecabiblus).

Second, for the purpose of discussing matters of faith, and consequently to render a decision, and give a dogmatic definition at every one of the Ecumenical Councils (Dositheus, p. 633 of the Dodecabiblus); but this too was the fact in connection with certain local councils, such as that held in Carthage, which created a discussion against the heresy of Pelagius and of Celestius, and laid down dogmatic definitions.

Third, for all dogmas laid down by them and their canons to be orthodox, pious, and in agreement with the divine Scriptures or previous Ecumenical Councils. Wherefore the axiom of St. Maximus uttered in regard to such a case became famous wherein he said: “Pious faith validates the councils held,” and again, “the correctness of dogmas judges the councils.” But this feature too is common to most local councils, with some exceptions.

Fourth and last, for all Orthodox patriarchs and prelates of the catholic Church to agree and to accept everything that has been decreed and ordained by the Ecumenical Councils, either by their personal presence or by their own legate, or deputy, or, in the absence of such a representative, by means of a letter of their own.

This agreement and accord of the patriarchs and prelates of an ecumenical council is, as we have said, the constituent and distinctive characteristic of ecumenical councils. It is constituent because it constitutes them and causes them to be truly ecumenical in correspondence with their name.

It is distinctive because, being observed in no local council, it serves to distinguish ecumenical from local councils. Hence the council held in the days of Copronymus in Blacherna, though called ecumenical by the Iconomachs (or Iconoclasts), was criticized and refused recognition by St. Germanus and Damascenus, and Stephen the younger, and many others, as well as by the Seventh Ecumenical Council in its sixth Act, all of them declaring that without the concurrence of all other patriarchs there can be no ecumenical council, nor can any be called such. For on the part of the Seventh Council Epiphanius said: “How again can it be a great and ecumenical council, when it is one which the presidents of the other churches neither accepted nor agreed to, but in fact dismissed it with an anathema?” (Dositheus, p. 634 of the Dodecabiblus). With nearly the same criticisms St. Maximus criticized the pseudo council of the Monothelete Pyrrhus because he called it an ecumenical council.

I said that the agreement and acceptance by all patriarchs is what constitutes ecumenical councils, and not their personal presence alone, nor their representation by legates or deputies of their own. For in none of the seven Ecumenical Councils was any Pope personally present, while at the Second and Fifth Ecumenical Councils the Popes Damasus and Vigilius were not present either in person or by deputy; yet those Ecumenical Councils remained ecumenical, because the same Popes agreed to all that those councils ordained or prescribed, and with their letters and signatures they accepted them. That personal presence alone or representation by deputy does not constitute ecumenical councils, but rather agreement, is shown by two councils, that held in Sardica, I mean, and that held in Florence. The one held in Sardica, in spite of the fact that it was called ecumenical at the commencement of it (see in its Prologue) and all the patriarchs were present at it, some personally and others by proxy, yet because of the fact that the patriarchs and prelates of the East separated and failed to agree to the things it prescribed, what started as an ecumenical council became in the end and in its affect a local council.

Likewise the council held in Florence, though called ecumenical, yet because of the fact that the legate of the patriarch of Antioch and the deputies of the bishops of the East, and foremost the patriarch of Alexandria, Marcus, I mean, that most holy man of Ephesus, failed to agree to it, what had been an ecumenical turned out a local council in point of fact.

What am I saying “local” for? Why, it was rightly and justly condemned as a pseudo council because it lacked even the third constituent of ecumenical councils. For the definition it set forth was not in agreement with Holy Writ and the other councils. Do you see that a disagreement of some patriarchs makes ecumenical councils local ones? Whereas, on the other hand, agreement of all the patriarchs of an ecumenical council makes even local councils ecumenical and converts them into catholic councils. For the local councils accepted by the Ecumenical Councils, and especially by the Sixth, and their Canons acquired an ecumenical, in effect, and catholic power and dignity.

From these statements which have been made here the definition of an ecumenical council can easily be framed as follows: “An ecumenical council is one that has been convoked by command of an emperor or king, one that has set forth a dogmatic definition concerning faith, and one that ordains or prescribes things which are pious and orthodox and agreeable to the Holy Scriptures and to previous ecumenical councils, and one which all the patriarchs and prelates of the catholic Church have agreed to accept, either by their personal presence or by proxy, or, in the absence of these, by means of their letters and signatures. So every ecumenical council that possesses these characteristic features is in fact the Holy and Catholic Church itself in which in the Symbol of Faith (called the Creed in English) we profess to believe.

Hence arise four other points, according to those versed in theology, to enrich its features. These points are:

First, that of being ever-living and imperishable; for “He will give you another Comforter, that He may abide with you forever. And, lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the age” (John 14:16; Matt. 28:20; cf. also John 14:26).

Second, that of being infallible and sinless. For the Church, which the Ecumenical Council takes the place of as its personal representative, is a pillar and framework of the truth, according to St. Paul (I Tim. 3:15); accordingly, whatever seems right to Ecumenical Councils seems right also to the Holy Spirit of Truth; for, it says, “He shall teach you all things and remind you of everything I have said unto you” (John 14:26). Which in fact is proved certain in the case of Ecumenical Councils. For if c. VIII of St. Gregory the Miracle-worker says, concerning the local council held in Ancyra, “until such time as something seems right in common to saints met together and before them to the Holy Spirit,” how much more is not this true when said in regard to Ecumenical Councils? which the Holy Spirit Itself supervises and illumines, and will not permit them to err in their decisions? For God inspires His righteousness in innumerable priests gathered in a council, according to the letter of the Council of Carthage addressed to Celestinus.

Third, that of having the supreme and highest office, not only as proposing what is right and just and true by way of advice and compelling those opposed thereto to yield submission, by inflicting upon them proper ecclesiastical penances, and examining and judging them all, including Popes and Patriarchs, and all prelates, clergymen, and laymen in any part of the world whatsoever.

And fourth, that of setting a limit and termination to every question or matter of any kind that may arise or grow up, whether it relate to an individual or have a common effect, and to settle every quarrel and dispute of heretics and schismatics. For the Church is called catholic, says Cyril the patriarch of Jerusalem (in article 18 of his catechism), because she teaches catholically, completely and indifferently, all dogmas that offer men knowledge concerning things visible and invisible. For not the Holy Bible, but the Ecumenical Council is proclaimed by all to be the final judge of ecclesiastical matters, according to c. VI. of the 2nd Ecum. C., whose vote and decision is not subject to appeal to any other higher tribunal. For if an appeal consists in taking a case from one court to some other court that is higher or of greater authority, according to Book IX of the Basilica, Title I, any dubious or uncertain vote of bishops is subject to review by the Metropolitans; and any such vote of Metropolitans is subject to review by the Exarch or Patriarch of the diocese; and that of the Patriarch is subject to review by an Ecumenical Council; and herewith end every appeal and there is a stop to further procedure because there is no higher court than the Ecumenical Council.

But if the court of patriarchs is not subject to appeal, according to the Basilica, and Justinian, and Leo the Wise, yet this is intelligible in view of the fact that one patriarch cannot act as judge of another patriarch and render any decision concerning him, and not on account of the Ecumenical Council, which can review and examine into all matters judged and decided by all Patriarchs and Popes, just as though they had never been decided at all. For even though the vote of the eparch, because of its being exempt from re-examination, is not subject to appeal, yet in spite of this the disputes which the eparch cannot settle are reviewed and decided by the emperor himself.

So that the Ecumenical Council sustains the same logical relationship in the Church (Dositheus, pp. 309 and 384 of the Dodecabiblos) as the Emperor sustains in the State. I said that the final judge in the Church is not the Holy Bible, as Lutherocalvinists claim, but the Ecumenical Council, because in many places divine Scripture speaks obscurely or unclearly, and therefore every one of the heretics can distort the obscure or unclear meaning of the Scriptures in favour of his own heresy, must needs interpret their true meaning because there is no one else that can do this, but the Ecumenical Council.

Another thing that deserves notice is the fact that besides the genuine and catholic books of the Bible, the heretics have dared to inscribe their spurious and heretical books as canonical, and on this account the Ecumenical Council approves those which are genuine, but rejects those which are spurious and apocryphal, as did the Sixth Ecumenical Council in regard to the Apostolical Injunctions, and as did also the First such Council (see also the footnote to Ap. c. LIX).

That is why sacred Augustine, being well aware of this, elegantly stated his opinion (in his Letter 154) in the following words: “I would not have believed in the Gospel had not the trustworthiness of the Church convinced me.” From all that has been said, therefore, it logically is to be inferred that no one can oppose or gainsay the Ecumenical Councils and remain pious and orthodox, but, on the contrary, everybody in general and indiscriminately is under obligation to obey them and to be persuaded by them. For whosoever opposes them and comes into conflict with them is opposing and coming into conflict with the Holy Spirit which speaks through the Ecumenical Councils, and thereby becomes both a heretic and an anathematized wretch, since Pope Dialogus (Book I, Letter 24) anathematizes those who refuse to heed the Ecumenical Councils.

And even the councils themselves anathematize those who refuse to obey them. Why should I say “heretic”? Whoever disobeys the Church is considered a heathen and an impious sinner, and in the place of the Church stands the Ecumenical Council. For “if,” says the Lord, “he disobey the Church, let him be unto thee like a heathen man and a publican” (Matt. 18:17). For the ultimate vote and decision of the Church is the Ecumenical Council, according to St. Augustine (Letter 162). And this is that same thing which God commanded to be kept in connection with the council of the priests of the old Law. “If,” said He, “there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea.... And thou shalt come unto the priests the Levites, and unto the judge who shall be in those days, and inquire; and they shall show thee the sentence of judgment: ... thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall show thee, to the right hand, nor to the left. And the man who will act with a hand of arrogance, so as not to obey the priest, or the judge, even that man shall die: and thou shalt put away the evil one from Israel” (Deut. 17:8-12).

But besides all that we have said we must add the following fact, to wit, that only seven councils have been called ecumenical properly and preeminently, because all of these were assembled and held in accordance with the laws governing ecumenical councils, and because everything that was necessary to knowledge in them was duly ordained. Hence all questions that arise or spring up can easily be settled by reference to what has been ordained by the seven (Dositheus, p. 633 of the Dodecabiblus).

After the Seventh, notwithstanding that other councils were called ecumenical, such as the First-and-Second, and the one held in the temple of St. Sophia (thus styled in English, though the meaning of the name is “Holy Wisdom”), were nevertheless thus called improperly and unwarrantedly, because not one of them was assembled and held in accordance with the laws governing ecumenical councils; wherefore they could not be counted along with the seven Ecumenical Councils and lead to an increase of their number. For the Council called Ecumenical by the Latins, that held against Photius, I mean, was later denounced and outlawed by the Council held in favor of Photius, and was condemned to lose all right to be called even a council at all, though all the seven Ecumenical Councils, by reason of their being ecumenical, are entitled to equal honor.

This first Council however, both because of its ancient date and because of its holiness, has always been and will always remain the original example and model; accordingly it serves as the fundamental idea of all ecumenical councils, and it was imitated by the other councils held after it thenceforth, both as respects addresses and seats and as respects definitions. Accordingly, Dialogus called it the head of all councils; and one thing is uttered by the mouth of everybody, to wit, that what was prescribed in Nicaea must prevail without fail. The Council held in Carthage labored hard both in its records and in its Canons, and it made great efforts also in its letters to Boniface and Celestinus, to prevent their accepting any other Canons than these genuine Canons of the First Council held in Nicaea. Both Athanasius the Great and divine Chrysostom shouted loudly to have no other Canons prevail except the Canons of the Council in Nicaea.

Thursday, July 9, 2026

Meletios Metaxakis: Metropolitan, Archbishop, Pope and Patriarch

By Fr. Srboliub Miletich

 

 

July 1935. Zurich, Switzerland. After six difficult days in the throes of death, there dies a man whose personality was one of the most scandalous in the two-thousand-year history of the Orthodox Church. His body is taken to Cairo in Egypt and buried with great pomp. One of the greatest Church reformers leaves behind him a painful, unstable and alarming situation, the consequences of which will be felt for many decades, probably even centuries. Against the background of his image and actions, a question arises. What was his personal contribution to contemporary and future tribulations, concerns and challenges facing the Orthodox Church?

We are now at a sufficient historical distance for both historians and theologians to give an objective assessment. Today, in our view, his personality and contribution demand this. We shall attempt to show why. We present only the basic information and some of the historical facts, which concern this personality, unprecedented in Church history. In his relatively short, but very tempestuous life, this man managed to become the head of three autocephalous Local Churches and to have taken a number of decisions, which until his time were incompatible with Orthodoxy. Here was a man who tried to change the very bases of Orthodox ecclesiology, raising questions to which many generations of Orthodox theologians are still to give mature and spiritually sober answers. But let us start at the beginning.

Patriarch Meletios Metaxakis was born on 21 September 1871 in the village of Parsas on Crete and was baptized Emmanuel. In 1889 he entered the Holy Cross seminary in Jerusalem. In 1892 he became a monk and was ordained hierodeacon. After completing his theological education, in 1900 Patriarch Damian appointed him secretary of the Holy Synod of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Eight years later, in 1908, the same Patriarch expelled Meletios from the Holy Land for 'activities against the Holy Sepulchre'. [1]

According to the historian Alexander Zervoudakis, an official in the British Ministry of Defence (1944-1950), in 1909 Meletios visited Cyprus and there, together with other Orthodox clergy, [2] became a member of a British masonic lodge. [3] In the following year Metaxakis became the Metropolitan of Kition in Cyprus and already in 1912 tried to become the Patriarch of Constantinople. Failing in this, he devoted himself to becoming the Archbishop of Cyprus. Meanwhile his undisguised political ambitions, authoritarian character and, above all, his modernism seemed to have played a decisive role in his defeat. [4] Disillusioned, he left his flock and in 1916 headed for Greece. There, in 1918, with the support of his relative Venizelos, who headed the Greek government, he became the Archbishop of Athens. In the following year, when Venizelos lost the Greek elections, Metaxakis was deposed.

While still Archbishop of Athens, Metaxakis visited Great Britain together with a group of his supporters. Here he conducted talks on unity between the Anglican Church and the Orthodox Churches. At that time he also set up the famous 'Greek Archdiocese of North America'. Until then there had been no separate jurisdictions in America, but only parishes consisting of ethnic groups, including Greeks, and officially under the jurisdiction of the Russian bishop. With the fall of Imperial Russia and the Bolshevik seizure of power, the Russian Church found herself isolated and her dioceses outside Soviet Russia lost their support. Archbishop Meletios’ foundation of a purely Greek ethnic diocese in America became the first in a whole series of divisions which followed. As a result, various groups demanded and received the support of their national Churches. [5]

After losing the see of Athens, in February 1921 Meletios set off for America. At that time, according to the decision of the Sacred Episcopal Council of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), Bishop (now Saint) Nicholas Velimirovic had been sent with a mandate ‘to investigate the situation, needs and wishes of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the United States’. In his report to the Sacred Episcopal Council on 13/26 June 1921, Vladyka Nicholas mentions meeting Meletios, also informing them that:

‘The position of the Greeks was explained to me best of all by the Metropolitan of Athens, Meletios Metaxakis, who is now in exile in America, and Bishop Alexander of Rhodes, whom the same Metropolitan Meletios sent to America three years ago and to whom he delegated duties as Bishop of the Greek Church in America.

Metropolitan Meletios considers that, according to the canons, the supreme oversight of the Church in America is to belong to the Patriarch of Constantinople. He quotes Canon 28 of the Fourth Oecumenical Council, according to which all churches in ‘barbarian’ lands belong to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch in Constantinople. In his opinion, this jurisdiction would be more honorary than anything else, and would be more real only in matters of appeal on the part of a dissatisfied party’. [6]

Naturally, this was interesting news for Bishop Nicholas and he mentioned it in his report to the SOC Council, because nobody until that time had interpreted Canon 28 of the Fourth Council in such a way. Not a single Patriarch of Constantinople until Meletios had yet tried to substitute a primacy of power for the primacy of honour, or some myth of supreme judgement in ‘matters of appeal by the dissatisfied party’ for the catholicity of the Church.

Apart from his work to establish completely new arrangements among the Local Churches and their diasporas, in America Meletios also showed great concern to develop exceptionally cordial relations with the Anglicans (Episcopalians). On 17 December 1921 the Greek Ambassador in Washington informed the authorities in Thessaloniki that Meletios, vested, took part in an Anglican service, bowed with the Anglicans in prayer, kissed their altar, preached and later blessed those present! [7]

When the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece learned of Meletios’ activities in November 1921, a special commission was set up with the task of investigating his situation. Meanwhile, while this investigation was ongoing, Meletios was unexpectedly elected Patriarch of Constantinople. The Synodal commission extended its work and on the basis of its conclusions on 9 December 1921 the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece expelled Meletios Metaxakis for a whole series of infringements of Canon Law and also for creating a schism. [8] Despite this decision, on 24 January 1922 Meletios was raised to the Patriarchal see. And then, under strong political pressure, on 24 September that same year the decision to expel him was revoked.

Metropolitan Germanos (Karavangelis), who at that time had already been legally elected Archbishop of Constantinople, relates the following regarding the circumstances connected with the unexpected change of situation: ‘There was no doubt about my election to the Oecumenical Throne in 1921. Of 17 votes, 16 were for me. Then a layman known to me offered me 10,000 pounds if I renounced all my rights to the election in favour of Meletios Metaxakis. Naturally, irritated and annoyed I rejected the offer. Immediately after this a three-man delegation from ‘The National Defence League’ visited me one night and energetically persuaded me to renounce my election in favour of Meletios Metaxakis. The delegation told me that Meletios could obtain $100,000 for the Patriarchate, that he was on very good terms with Protestant bishops in England and America, that he could be very useful in Greek national interests and that international interests required Meletios to be elected as Patriarch. Such were the wishes of Eleutherios Venizelos.

All night long I thought about this proposal. Economic chaos reigned in the Patriarchate. The Greek government had stopped sending aid and there were no other sources of income. Salaries had not been paid for the last nine months. The charitable organizations of the Patriarchate were in a critical material situation. With these considerations in mind and for the sake of the welfare of the people I accepted the proposal. [9]

After this agreement, on 23 November 1921, there was accepted a proposal of the Synod of the Patriarchate of Constantinople to postpone the election of the Patriarch. Immediately after this, the bishops who had voted to postpone the elections were replaced by others, so that two days later, on 25 November 1921 Meletios was elected. The bishops who had been removed met in Thessaloniki and issued a statement saying that ‘Meletios election was completely against the holy canons’ and they promised ‘to conduct an honest and canonical election of the Patriarch of Constantinople’. [10] Despite all this, two months later, amid general astonishment, Meletios nevertheless became Patriarch of Constantinople.

It may be said that from the moment that he was elected there begins a completely new chapter in the history of the Orthodox Church. As a fiery warrior for the political ideas of Panhellenism, an energetic modernist and Church reformer, Meletios initiated a series of reforms and influenced the acceptance of numerous resolutions which had extremely tragic consequences. In 1922 the Synod of his Patriarchate issued an encyclical which recognized the validity of Anglican orders [11] and, from 10 May to 8 June, at Meletios’ initiative a ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’ took place in Istanbul.

Despite the resolutions of the Councils of 1583, [12] 1587 and 1593, the Congress took the decision to change the calendar of the Orthodox Church. It is remarkable that at this Conference, which goes under various names – ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’, ‘Orthodox Assembly’ [13] and so on – representatives of only three Local Churches were present: from Greece, Romania and Serbia. At the same time representatives from others, and moreover from the closest – the Patriarchates of Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria – decided not to take part. As Oecumenical Patriarch, Meletios chaired the sessions of the meeting, at which the Anglican Bishop Charles Gore was present. At Meletios’ invitation, Gore sat on his right and took part in the work of the Congress. [14]

It can be said that the introduction of the new calendar provoked extreme disappointment all over the Orthodox world, among parish clergy and laypeople, and above all among monastics. This gesture was taken as the visible sign of Constantinople’s intention to draw closer to the West to the detriment of the age-old liturgical unity of the Local Orthodox Churches. The so-called ‘Pan-Orthodox Congress’, consisting of representatives from three Local Churches, managed to accept the new calendar for the very same reasons of Unia, for which the preceding Orthodox Councils had condemned and rejected it: ‘For the sake of the simultaneous celebration of the great Christian feasts on the part of all the Churches’. [15]

Whatever and whoever this conference represented, historians will most probably be forced to recognize that it was one of the most tragic events in the life of the Church in the twentieth century. The agenda, set from above and forced onto people in contradiction with previous Conciliar decisions, introduced under political pressure the so-called new calendar. This caused schisms and bloody clashes in the streets, which Meletios himself did not escape. Meletios' modernist reforms of the Church were not to the taste of the faithful. In Istanbul there were serious incidents, during which the outraged Orthodox population sacked the Patriarch's apartments and physically beat Meletios himself. [16] Soon after this, in September 1923, he was forced to quit Istanbul and renounce the Patriarchal throne.

Judging by all this, Patriarch Meletios had ambitious plans and this small and inglorious meeting looked at more than one problem. Apart from the issue of changing the calendar, they also examined the question of whether to reject a fixed Easter Day, priests and deacons marrying after ordination, second marriages for priests, relaxing the fasts, transferring great feasts to Sunday and so on. [17] On the subject of this meeting, Archimandrite (now often venerated as a saint) Justin Popovich wrote in his presentation of May 1977 to the Sacred Episcopal Council of the SOC: 'The issue of preparing and holding a new 'Oecumenical Council' of the Orthodox Church is not new and does not date back merely to yesterday in our period of Church history. This question was already raised at the time of the unfortunate Patriarch Meletios Metaxakis, the well-known and presumptuous modernist, reformer and creator of schism in Orthodoxy, at his so-called 'Pan-Orthodox Congress' in Istanbul in 1923'.

As Oecumenical Patriarch, Meletios gave special attention to attempts to completely reorganize relations between the Local Orthodox Churches in the world, especially with regard to their diasporas. His decisions, letters, tomos and encyclicals were not only controversial, but sometimes logically contradicted one another. Thus, refusing to recognize the autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church on the pretext that the Orthodox population was a minority, Meletios, despite all the official documents issued by the Russian Church, recognized the separation of the Polish Church, which in exactly the same way was also a minority in Poland. [18]

As Vladyka Nicholas Velimirovich said in his report, Patriarch Meletios attempted to extend the interpretation of Canon 28 of the Fourth Oecumenical Council and in some way seize not only the Greek diaspora, but also other national diasporas. For the first time in history, a Patriarch was trying to launch the Patriarchate of Constantinople into an absolutely uncanonical and scandalous administrative invasion campaign in other people’s countries and against other people’s flocks. Fr Zhivko Panev writes of this:

‘Without consulting the Synod in Athens, in 1922 he used his connections with the Greek diaspora in America and subordinated it to himself. In that year he issued a Tomos on the foundation of an Archdiocese in North and South America in New York, with three bishops, in Boston, Chicago and San Francisco. At the same time he also took steps to subordinate to Constantinople diasporas of other nationalities. The first step in this direction was made in 1922, when he appointed an Exarch for the whole of Western and Central Europe in London, with the title of Metropolitan of Thyateira. Following this Constantinople began to dispute the right of Metropolitan Eulogius to run Russian parishes in Western Europe.

On 9 July 1923 Meletios subordinated to himself the dioceses of the Russian Church in Finland in the form of an autonomous Finnish Church. On 23 August 1923 the Synod in Constantinople issued a Tomos about the subordination to Constantinople of the Russian dioceses in Estonia, in the form of an autonomous Church.

Presided by Meletios, the Synod in Constantinople decided that it was indispensable to form a new diocese for the Orthodox diaspora in Australia, with a Cathedral in Sydney, under Constantinople. This was done in 1924’. [19]

Thanks to Meletios’ activities the Serbian Church also clashed with the Patriarchate of Constantinople. It had its diocese in Czechoslovakia, for which on 25 September 1921 the Serbian Patriarch Dimitri consecrated bishop the Moravian Czech Gorazd Pavlik (shot on 4 December 1942 by the Germans and now canonized). [20] Despite this, on 4 March 1923, Patriarch Meletios consecrated an Archimandrite Sabbatius as ‘Archbishop of Prague and All Czechoslovakia’ and gave him Tomos No 1132 on the restoration of the ancient Archdiocese of Sts Cyril and Methodius, which he then placed under the jurisdiction of Constantinople. [21]

Apart from the Autocephalous Albanian Church, which Meletios did not recognize, there were also Serbs who lived on Albanian territory and whose spiritual care was in the hands of the Serbian Church. The secretary of the Monastery of Decani, Victor Mikhailovich, was consecrated on 18 June 1922 as Vicar-Bishop of Scutari. Meanwhile, the Patriarchate of Constantinople argued with the Serbian Church for many years over the question of jurisdiction in Albania. In the meantime, Uniat propaganda, spread directly by the Vatican was successful. Bishop Victor of Scutari underwent terrible hardships from which he was delivered on 8 September 1939, when he died. He was buried in the Monastery at Decani at his request. [22]

Meletios’ recognition of Anglican orders even provoked the indignation of the Roman Catholics. Meletios’ innovations in the Church caused outrage and anger and the new calendar even caused schisms. In Istanbul, on 1 June 1923, there gathered a large group of indignant clergy and laity, who attacked the Phanar with the aim of deposing Meletios and chasing him out of the City. However, Meletios held out in the exceedingly overheated atmosphere for another month, only on 1 July 1923 to quit Istanbul on the pretext of illness and the need for medical treatment. Later, under strong pressure from the Greek government and the intervention of the Archbishop of Athens, Patriarch Meletios finally resigned from his post on 20 September 1923.

Only three Local Orthodox Churches at first introduced the new calendar, which had been accepted at his insistence at the unfortunate congress in Istanbul in 1923. These were Constantinople, Greece and Romania. It was not introduced in others for fear of further disturbances and schisms and also because of the strong negative reaction. The Patriarch of Jerusalem declared that the new calendar was unacceptable for His Church because of the danger of proselytism and the spread of the Unia in the Holy Land. Probably the most serious opposition to the new calendar came from the Church of Alexandria. There, Patriarch Photius, after an agreement with Patriarchs Gregory of Antioch, Damian of Jerusalem and the Archbishop of Cyprus, Cyril, called a Local Council, at which it was decided that there was no need whatsoever to change calendars. The Council expressed great regret that this issue was on the agenda, pointing out that the calendar change represented a danger for the unity of Orthodoxy, not only in Greece, but all over the world.

However, great changes were soon coming to the Patriarchate of Alexandria itself. After the Greek defeat of 1924 in Asia Minor at the hands of Kemal Ataturk, big changes took place on the Greek political and military scene. Then came population exchanges, as a result of which some 1,400,000 Greeks from Asia Minor were forced to resettle in Greece and some 300,000 Turks left Greece. [23] After his resignation from the see of Constantinople and the stormy and fateful events there, Patriarch Meletios turned up in Alexandria, where, with political support, he was named second candidate for the see of the Patriarchate of Alexandria. [24]

At that time, Egypt was under British mandate and the Egyptian government had the right to confirm the candidacy of either of the two candidates who had been put forward. The government in Cairo dragged its feet on the decision for a whole year, only on 20 May 1926, under British government pressure, to confirm their choice of Meletios to the see of the Pope and Patriarch of Alexandria. Not in the least discouraged by the Local Council called by his predecessor, pretexting the unity of the Greek diaspora with their homeland (the new calendar had already been introduced in Greece under pressure from the revolutionary government), Meletios introduced the new calendar in Alexandria too. Thus, supposed concern for the Greek ethnic diaspora took precedence over concern for Church unity and the decisions of previous Councils.

In 1930, as head of a Church delegation, Meletios Metaxakis took part in the Lambeth Conference, [25] where he negotiated on unity between Anglicans and Orthodox.

Before Meletios Metaxakis died, this exile from the Holy Land, Kition, Athens and Constantinople, with his unstable, tireless and ambitious spirit, despite serious illness, tried to advance his candidacy for the see of Jerusalem. However, on 28 July 1935 he died and was buried in Cairo. In his wake there is still a stormy period, a restless time of political pressure and diplomatic intrigues, unacceptable in the Church of Christ, the consequences of which will be felt for many more years to come…

 

NOTES

1. Batistos D., Proceedings and Decisions of the Pan-Orthodox Council in Constantinople, May 10 - June 8, 1923, Athens, 1982

2. One of them was the future Metropolitan Vasilios, an official representative of the Patriarchate of Constantinople

3. Alexander I. Zervoudakis, 'Famous Freemasons', Masonic Bulletin, No. 71, January - February 1967

4. Benedict Englezakis, Studies on the History of the Church of Cyprus, 4th - 20th Centuries, Vaparoum, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Aldershot, Hampshire, Great Britain, 1995, p. 440

5. Metropolitan Theodosius, Archbishop of Washington, The Path To Autocephaly And Beyond: 'Miles To Go Before We Sleep' http://www.holy-trinity.org/modern/ theodosius.html

6. Bishop Nikolai Velimirovich, Collected Works, Vol. 10, 1983. p. 467 (In Serbian)

7. Delimpasis, A.D., Pascha of the Lord, Creation, Renewal, and Apostasy, Athens, 1985, p. 661 (In Greek)

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p.662

10. Ibid., p.663

11. Encyclical on Anglican Orders, from the Oecumenical Patriarch to the Presidents of the Particular Eastern Orthodox Churches, 1922, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/~ucgbmxd/ patriarc.htm

12. The Local Council of 1583 in Constantinople was summoned in response to the proposal of Pope Gregory XIII to the Orthodox to accept the new calendar. Patriarch Jeremiah of Constantinople, Patriarch Sylvester of Alexandria, Patriarch Sophronios of Jerusalem and other fathers took part in the Council. The Council clearly said: If any do not follow the customs of the Church, founded in the Oecumenical Councils, including holy Pascha (Easter) and the calendar, which they command us to follow, but wish to follow the newly devised Paschalia and the calendar of the atheist astronomers of the Pope and contradict (the customs of the Church), wanting to reject and sully the dogmas and customs of the Church, which we have inherited from our fathers, may ANATHEMA be on them and may they be excommunicated from the Church and communion with the faithful.

13. Sibev T., The Question of the Church Calendar, Synodal Publishing, Sofia, 1968, pp. 33-34 (In Bulgarian).

14. The very name 'Congress' witnesses to the fact that this meeting does not fit in with Orthodox Tradition

15. The Encyclical of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, 'To All the Churches of Christ', January 1920

16. 'The Julian Calendar', Orthodox Life, No. 5, 1995, p. 26

17. Hieromonk Sava (Yevtich), Ecumenism and the Time of Apostasy, Prizren, 1995, p. 11 (In Serbian)

18. Priest Zhivko Panic. The Question of the Diaspora - A Historical and Canonical Review, Paris, Manuscript (in Russian)

19. Ibid.

20. Sava, Bishop of Shumadia, Serbian Hierarchs from the Ninth to the Twentieth Centuries, Belgrade 1996, pp. 135-135 (In Serbian)

21. Serge Troitsky, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over the Orthodox Diaspora, Sremski Karlovtsy, 1932, p. 4 (In Serbian)

22. Dr Dimsho Perich, 'The Serbian Orthodox Church and Her Diaspora', Istochnik, The Journal of the Serbian Orthodox Diocese in Canada, 1998, No. 38

23. ‘In the twentieth century the Greek population of Turkey underwent terrible persecutions and genocide. In 1920 in Istanbul alone there were about 100,000 Greeks. After the First World War and the Greek defeat at Smyrna (Izmir) in 1922, the Greeks there suffered a real disaster - ‘the great disaster’. The Greeks of Asia Minor fled and resettled elsewhere. This happened after the signing of peace in Lausanne in Switzerland in 1923. After this only an insignificant number of Greeks remained in Istanbul and of Turks in western Thrace. At the present time there are about 4,000 Greeks in Istanbul’. Archpriest Radomir Popovich, Orthodoxy at the Turn of the Centuries, Belgrade, 1999, p.23 (In Serbian)

24. The first candidate was Metropolitan Nicholas of Nubia

25. The Conference of all the Anglican Bishops which takes place every ten years in the Palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury. It looks at questions of faith, morality and order in the Anglican Communion

 

English source (translation slightly corrected): http://www.orthodoxengland.org.uk/meletios.htm

Serbian original: https://svetosavlje.org/meletios-metaksakis/

Why are Orthodox hierarchs getting us used to “archbishopesses”?

Vasyl Mozhevelnyi | July 6, 2026

 

 

Patriarch Theophilos of Jerusalem receives an Anglican archbishopess. At the Phanar, Orthodox hierarchs pray alongside lesbian “bishops.” This is neither courtesy nor diplomacy. It is how the Overton window opens.

On June 24, 2026, Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem received Sarah Mullally, the Anglican Archbishop of Canterbury. She was accompanied by Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem Hosam Naoum and others.

At first glance, it might seem like an ordinary diplomatic meeting with a religious leader visiting the Holy City. Such meetings are not unusual. In autumn 2025, for instance, Patriarch Theophilos guided U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance through the holy sites of Jerusalem.

But this case is different.

Sarah Mullally is not a politician or a public figure. She is the first “archbishopess” to head the Church of England. An official meeting with her by the Patriarch of Jerusalem – and especially common prayer – is not simply a gesture of courtesy. It is a silent legitimization of women’s “ordination,” a step toward its recognition across the Christian world.

This is how the Overton window opens.

The official position of the Orthodox Churches

The issue of women’s “ordination” arose in the Anglican Church as early as 1976. In 1978, a special meeting of the Anglican–Orthodox Doctrinal Commission was held in Athens. The commission included representatives of the Churches of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Alexandria, Antioch, Russia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus, Poland, and Finland – in other words, almost the whole Orthodox world.

In the final document, the Orthodox members unanimously condemned the ordination of women and called it an "innovation" which has no foundation in Holy Tradition, arguing that "it is important, therefore, to distinguish between innovations and the creative continuity of Tradition." 

What is especially important is that the Orthodox participants in the Athens statement "cannot regard the Anglican proposals to ordain women as a purely internal matter, in which the Orthodox are not concerned." They wrote directly: “ We Orthodox see the ordination of women, not as part of this creative continuity, but as a violation of the apostolic faith and order of the Church.”

In 2006, at a meeting of the Anglican–Orthodox Commission in Cyprus, the Orthodox participants again expressed categorical disagreement with the decision of Anglican churches to ordain women.

Many Local Churches described women’s ordination as an obstacle to dialogue with Anglicans. In 2008, after the General Synod of the Church of England approved the introduction of women bishops, the Russian Orthodox Church stated that the decision “significantly complicates dialogue between Orthodox Christians and Anglicans, further distances Anglicanism from the Orthodox Church, and contributes to the further division of the Christian world as a whole.”

But times change.

What happened in Jerusalem

This was not merely a diplomatic reception – it was common prayer. Sarah Mullally herself says so.

On the official website of the Archbishop of Canterbury, she thanked Patriarch Theophilos for receiving her and said that “to pray together in that holy place, at the heart of the Christian story, has been a profound gift.”

As is well known, Orthodox canon law has always treated common prayer as a serious ecclesiological act. Numerous canons strictly forbid not only liturgical concelebration but even simple prayer with those outside Church communion. Apostolic Canon 10 states: "If any one shall pray, even in a private house, with an excommunicated person, let him also be excommunicated.”

Here, however, we see not simply prayer with someone outside the Church, but prayer with a person who undermines one of the basic principles of the priesthood and promotes the LGBT agenda even at the cost of a split within her own church.

Sarah Mullally, who advocates the blessing of gay couples, became the first female Archbishop of Canterbury in the history of the Church of England and the spiritual leader of some 85 million believers worldwide. Yet her appointment provoked a major crisis within Anglicanism itself. In October 2025, the Anglicans of Nigeria broke away from Mullally. In March 2026, 347 bishops and 121 leaders from 27 provinces of the Global South formally announced a break with the administrative center in London and created their own Global Anglican Council.

The picture is strange.

Even within Anglicanism – a religious community generally regarded as rather liberal – Mullally is unacceptable to many. Yet an Orthodox Patriarch apparently sees no problem in praying with her in the Holy Land.

Of course, one cannot say that Patriarch Theophilos formally recognized women’s ordination by this act. But it is unquestionably a departure from the apostolic and patristic tradition.

Was necessity the reason?

Why does Patriarch Theophilos need such meetings at all? The Church’s attitude toward women’s ordination, the Anglican split caused by it, and Sarah Mullally’s support for the gay agenda are all well-known facts. The Patriarch of Jerusalem is certainly aware of them.

Perhaps the explanation lies in the present condition of the Jerusalem Church. And that condition is rather bleak.

In August 2025, Jerusalem municipal authorities froze the bank accounts of the Jerusalem Patriarchate over a tax dispute. Patriarchate staff, schools, monasteries, and charitable institutions were left without funds.

The dispute concerns not only the Orthodox. In March 2025, the heads of the Christian Churches of the Holy Land protested attempts to force them to pay taxes, warning that the unbearable financial burden could threaten the very presence of these Churches in the region.

The war in Gaza has made the situation even worse. The Jerusalem Patriarchate is trying to help refugees, which requires major financial resources. The Orthodox Monastery of St. Porphyrios, for example, became a shelter for hundreds of civilians.

The Jerusalem Church needs international support and financial assistance and hopes to receive it from influential Christian structures in the West. Perhaps this explains the warm reception given to the Archbishopess of Canterbury in Jerusalem.

Patriarch Theophilos may be making compromises not for himself, but for the good of the Church. But is the price not too high?

Constantinople opens the Overton window even wider

If Patriarch Theophilos’ action can be explained by the difficult position of the Jerusalem Church, the case of the Patriarchate of Constantinople is somewhat different.

On January 30, 2026, an ecumenical prayer service was held at Holy Trinity Cathedral in New York, which belongs to the Archdiocese of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the United States. Representatives of various confessions took part, including Lutheran “bishopess” Katrina Foster.

Foster is not simply a “bishopess” – she is also an openly practicing lesbian. Also participating was Episcopal “priestess” Kirsten Guidero, known for promoting LGBT ideology. Representatives of the Patriarchate of Constantinople prayed together with all of them.

Earlier, in 2022, in Istanbul, Patriarch Bartholomew prayed with representatives of other religious organizations “for ecumenical unity.” Among those praying was an unidentified woman wearing an epitrachelion.

And such services are unlikely to stop. On the contrary, given the number of women’s “ordinations” among Anglicans, Lutherans, and Protestants, this trend will only grow. There is little doubt that Constantinople’s hierarchs also justify such contacts by considerations of “the good of the Church.”

The old trap of compromise

The idea of “compromise for the good of the Church” is not new. Today it is justified by the need for financial assistance, international support, dialogue, peace, and so on. It all sounds very noble. It can even look like self-sacrifice.

But Church history testifies to something else: when hierarchs begin doing things contrary to doctrine or Church morality “for the good of the Church,” the result is the opposite.

One example is the Council of Ferrara–Florence in the 15th century. Constantinople was then on the verge of being conquered by the Turks and desperately needed military help from the West. The emperor and a significant part of the hierarchy agreed to union with Rome “for the good of the Church and the empire.” The result: the city received no real help, the Church was pushed to the brink of schism, and in 1453 Constantinople was captured by the Ottoman Turks.

Another example is the 1927 Declaration of Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) on complete loyalty to the Soviet regime. He was trying to save the Church from total destruction in the furnace of the repressions of the 1920s and 1930s. The result: the persecution only intensified. Thousands of priests, monks, and laypeople were arrested, exiled, and executed. Thousands of churches were destroyed. The Church fell under the complete control of Soviet agencies. The consequences of this policy, later called “Sergianism,” have not been overcome to this day.

Compromise in matters of doctrine and morality has almost always led to tragedy in Church history and undermined the Church’s authority. And the opposite is also true.

The saints chose fidelity

The Church survived not because of those who knew how to make deals with the powerful at any price, but because of steadfast confession of the faith.

St. Basil the Great lived in the fourth century, when the authorities supported Arianism. Orthodox believers were driven out of churches and sent into exile. The local governor Modestus tried to pressure Basil into accepting Arianism. He threatened him and his flock with confiscation of property, torture, and death. Basil could have compromised – many did. But he answered: “Threaten others, if you can; none of this touches us.”

St. Maximus the Confessor lived in the seventh century, when the authorities supported the Monothelite heresy. Church hierarchs one after another agreed to compromise for the sake of “peace.” But Maximus said: “I do not think about the union or division of Romans and Greeks, but about not falling away from the true faith.”

St. Mark of Ephesus refused union with the Catholics. He stood against everyone: the Byzantine emperor, the Roman pope, Church hierarchs, and the political elite of the empire. And it was his position that saved the Church.

Alongside these saints were those who proposed compromise and skillfully explained concessions by “difficult circumstances” and “the good of the Church.” But the truth of God was on the side of the confessors. History proved them right.

Should an abbot compromise “for the sake of the brotherhood”?

Of course, women’s ordination is far from the only challenge facing the Church today. There is an even sharper example now – the legalization of the OCU.

In the Local Churches, there are well-known hierarchs and clergy who once supported the canonical UOC and then turned around completely. We will not analyze every such reversal – two examples are enough: Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria and Metropolitan Isaiah of Tamassos of the Church of Cyprus. Both visited Ukraine more than once, both warmly supported the canonical UOC and Metropolitan Onuphry personally. And then they “forgot” it all.

It is especially painful when Mount Athos appears in this row – the stronghold of monasticism, a place to which people have come for centuries in search of undamaged faith.

Let us consider the arguments of two abbots: Elder Ephraim of Vatopedi and Archimandrite Elisseos of Simonopetra.

Archimandrite Ephraim repeatedly spoke in support of the canonical UOC and urged Ukrainians to remain faithful to Metropolitan Onuphry. But, as we remember, in 2019 he came to Kyiv for the enthronement of Serhiy Dumenko. True, he did not attend the ceremony itself: he suddenly fell ill and immediately left Ukraine. Later, commenting on the OCU issue, the abbot of Vatopedi said that Athonites could not speak on the subject because the Holy Mountain is under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and therefore all questions about Dumenko should be addressed there.

The rhetoric of the abbot of Simonopetra is even more astonishing.

According to information available to the UOJ, Archimandrite Elisseos told the brethren that if he refused to recognize the OCU, he would be forced to leave the monastery and the Patriarchate of Constantinople would appoint another, more “compliant” abbot. After such an admission, the monks supposedly “would not let him go,” because he was too dear to them.

But is the purpose of a monk’s life to remain head of a monastery at any cost?

Church history offers countless examples of holy abbots who not only did not cling to their position, but willingly sought to leave it in order to devote themselves fully to prayer.

St. Anthony the Great led a monastic settlement, but burdened by crowds, he withdrew far to the east, to Mount Colzim, where he spent the rest of his life near a spring and a few palm trees.

St. Sabbas the Sanctified, founder of the famous lavra near Jerusalem, would leave for the desert every Great Lent for solitary prayer, returning to the brethren only for the feast.

St. Anthony of the Caves, when brethren gathered around him, would again go off to dig a new cave for himself in search of solitude, entrusting the community to appointed abbots.

St. Theodosius of the Caves, even as abbot, would shut himself in a cave each Great Lent for solitary prayer, returning to the brethren only on Lazarus Saturday.

St. Sergius of Radonezh, while abbot of the Trinity Monastery, secretly left the monastery after a conflict with his brother Stephen in order to avoid discord.

St. Cyril of Belozersk was archimandrite of Moscow’s Simonov Monastery, but he was burdened by honor and sought solitude. Having laid down the abbacy, he left Moscow with the monk Ferapont for the north, to Lake Belo, where he founded the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery. In his case, withdrawal for the sake of prayer became final.

These are only a few examples; in reality, there are many more. Can we imagine any of the saints compromising with conscience simply in order to remain abbot?

One who is ready to sacrifice faith in order to preserve his position is no longer saving the Church – he is saving his place in it. However, that road does not lead where he thinks it does.

Conclusion: The window opens quietly

That which has no place in the Church does not enter through the gates. First comes an ordinary meeting, one of dozens, then shared photographs. Then comes common prayer – and who, after all, will object to prayer for peace?

At every step there are reasonable and “correct” arguments: do not exaggerate; you see the difficult position of the Church; we must be able to talk to everyone. It seems there is nothing to object to. But this is precisely how the Overton window opens – centimeter by centimeter.

The danger is not what is obvious. The Church has always dealt with open enemies and has always outlived them. What is more frightening is something less visible: the readiness of shepherds themselves to yield – naturally, “for the good of the Church.”

History has shown more than once what such concern leads to. The Union of Florence did not save Constantinople – it only brought its end closer. The Declaration of 1927 did not stop the persecution. Each time faith was crossed over “for the good of the Church,” the price proved heavier than the disaster from which people were trying to flee.

The Church was preserved not by those who knew how to make deals, but by those who refused to make them – Basil the Great, Maximus the Confessor, Mark of Ephesus. In their own lifetime they were called stubborn men and destroyers of Church peace. But in the end, they were the ones who proved right.

There is a deeper dimension to all this. Why are we in the Church at all? Is it really in order to arrange Her earthly affairs? No. We are in the Church in order to learn trust in God and to cultivate faith within ourselves.

And what is faith? It is certainly not the ability to bargain or strike deals for the sake of a calmer life for the Church. Christ, the Head of the Church, will care for Her earthly existence. Our task is different: to think about how to be saved and how to strengthen our own faith. This concerns a patriarch, a bishop, and an abbot no less than a layperson. Besides governing the Church, they too must be saved.

As St. Seraphim of Sarov said: “Acquire the Spirit of Peace, and thousands around you will be saved.”

Our faith is strengthened precisely in critical moments – when there is no money, when danger looms, when threats come from every side. It has always been this way. In the church language, this is called temptation. And temptations are not bypassed – they are passed through. They are given so that a person may endure them, hold fast to God, and emerge with stronger faith and a living bond with Him. This is what they are all about.

Attempts to “lay straw” for the Church, or for oneself within the Church, move against faith itself. They are pure human calculation where trust in God is required.

The Psalmist said it long ago: “Put not your trust in princes, in the sons of men, in whom there is no salvation.”

And again: “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain; unless the Lord watches over the city, the watchman stays awake in vain.”

All of Scripture directs us to the same truth: “Some trust in chariots, and some in horses, but we will call upon the name of the Lord our God.”

Let the mighty of this world place their hope in pulling strings and making agreements. Our path is different, as it should be.

 

Source: https://spzh.eu/en/zashhita-very/94227-why-are-orthodox-hierarchs-accustoming-us-to-archbishopesses

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