Monday, July 27, 2026

Elders Paisios and Porphyrios on the Old Calendarist Elder (St.) Ieronymos of Aegina


 

 

(Letter of the Ever-Memorable Elder Paisios)

IC XC
NI KA

Precious Cross

“Saint Anna is our help” 25 July 1976

Sister Sotiria, “Rejoice in the Lord.”

I received your letter, and I was very pleased with your good endeavor.

Unfortunately, I did not know the holy Elder, Father Ieronymos of Aegina, personally. What you should add to this good endeavor of yours (besides your own information and that of others) would be to give it first to Father Porphyrios to read before publication, in order to ascertain whether he truly meant what you wrote (in your notes), so that the Saintly Father may not be misrepresented.

Our good endeavor and education alone are not sufficient unless there is also an inner affinity, because otherwise we would interpret things according to each person’s different vocabulary.

I am writing these things to you concerning Father Porphyrios because the spiritual gift of the one resembles that of the other.

I shall pray that the work may be done well, so that the holy Father may once again appear to his children (now from on high), in order to help them more effectively and that the name of God may be glorified. Amen.

May Christ and the Theotokos be with you,
and may the Saintly Father help you.

Monk Paisios

* * *

Before initially submitting the work On Elder Ieronymos to the publishing house, I also asked the ever-memorable Elder Paisios of the Holy Mountain, by letter, to inform me whether he knew anything about Elder Ieronymos and what his opinion was concerning the writing of the book.

Elder Paisios—may his prayers now accompany us also from where he is—replied to me with his blessed letter, reproduced at the end, in which, on the one hand, he prayed that “the work may be done well, etc.,” and, on the other, advised that Father Porphyrios (of Oropos) should read it beforehand, because “the spiritual gift of the one resembles that of the other.”

The ever-memorable Elder, Father Porphyrios, out of humility, when I asked him by telephone to review the text and give his blessing for its printing, replied to me:

“Who is writing the Preface?”

I answered him: “Mr. Paschos, Elder; you know him.”

And he replied: “Since Mr. Paschos, who is also a university professor, has seen it and is writing the preface, there is no need for me, an uneducated man.”

Then, when I hesitantly reminded him, “Elder, what are we to do now, since Father Paisios writes that you too must examine it?”

At that point, the great and holy Elder Porphyrios, obeying the Athonite Father Paisios, said:

“Very well, take the text and read it to me over the telephone wherever I tell you. Read fifteen pages from the beginning. Ten pages after page 65. Ten pages after page 100. Ten pages after page 150. Skip fifty pages and read to me.…”

He listened with great attention to the pages that he indicated and that I read to him over the telephone. He suggested that certain words be corrected. In particular, concerning the word “anxiety,” which appears somewhere, he said to me emphatically:

“Man, erase that word! It must not appear in your book! A Christian is permitted neither to feel it nor to utter it. There is no anxiety for the believer!”

Then, at the end of the reading of the excerpts, he said with some satisfaction:

“Now it is all right; you may send it to the printer. With my blessing.”

Therefore, with the prayer and blessing of these two holy Elders as well, and with Elder Ieronymos’s loving thirst for the admonition and salvation of souls, which he manifested so intensely during his lifetime, how could these humble words concerning Elder Ieronymos and his wise counsels fail to permeate, benefit, and sweeten anyone who applies himself to them with zeal and love?

 

 

Sotiria Nousi — Elder Ieronymos of Aegina


Greek source: https://entoytwnika1.blogspot.com/2026/07/blog-post_08.html


ADDENDUM

From Facebook (translated from the original Greek):

Dimitrios Katsouras (post of 27 July 2026): Most obviously, the G.O.C. are not heretics. They are uncompromising Orthodox Christians. Indeed, from within their ecclesiastical community, a multitude of Saints has arisen over the past one hundred years (a new book of ours is forthcoming, presenting a dozen such venerable figures—Hierarchs, Priests, monastics, and laypeople). I offer you my personal testimony from a conversation I had with Elder Porphyrios, who specifically named the Old Calendarist Elder Monk Moses [of Athikia]—who had also lived the ascetic life on the Holy Mountain and who reposed in Corinthia—as a great Saint and one who had attained theosis! Indeed, he asked me for his photograph, which I brought to him, and he placed it, in the presence of his sister, the nun Porphyria, among the Icons in his cell at Milesi. Consequently, the opinion attributed to Elder Porphyrios concerning the calendar was his own personal assessment; he himself, however, under no circumstances regarded the G.O.C. as heretics, but recognized grace and sanctity within the G.O.C., as stated above. We all have human weaknesses and deficiencies. Let us not, however, be fanatical, nor use virtuous and holy persons in order to impose our own views. Let it not be forgotten that Elder Porphyrios’s Elders on the Holy Mountain were Zealots—that is, Old Calendarists! Likewise, Saint John the Romanian, an ascetic in the desert of Hozeva, whose relics were uncovered incorrupt, whole, and fragrant, was a faithful observer of the Patristic Calendar/festal calendar and would not concelebrate with clergy who followed the New Calendar. He also broke communion with the Patriarchate of Jerusalem for this reason, as well as because of joint prayers with Papists. The Patriarchate, of course, recognized him as a Saint “out of necessity,” because of his incorrupt sacred Body and his many posthumous miracles. Our final humble conclusion is this: It is not pleasing to God for New Calendarists and Old Calendarists to accuse one another with malice and fanaticism. Prudence and discernment are needed. Instead of opposing one another, the New Calendarists should struggle for the healing of the division and schism caused by the calendar innovation and its uncanonical imposition, while the Old Calendarists should continue their struggle with Patristic discernment, speaking the truth to all in love and courteously enlightening our fellow countrymen who follow the New Calendar that the enemy of Orthodoxy is antichristian Papism and the anti-Church, pan-heretical Ecumenism, which we can confront effectively only when united in the Truth and joined together in love according to God.

Comment of Nikolaos Mannis: Persons who knew Saint Porphyrios confirmed to me that he likewise regarded Elder Ieronymos of Aegina and Papa-Chrysanthos Vrettaros as Saints.

Comment of Panagiotis Kokkalidis: I also offer my personal testimony that Elder Aimilianos of Simonopetra likewise kept a photograph of Elder Ieronymos on his desk in the abbot’s quarters, in a prominent place. I also believe that, in one of the two books about Elder Ieronymos, there is a reference to Elder Aimilianos as a deacon, although his name is not specifically mentioned.


Renovationism

From Not of this World: The Life and Teaching of Fr. Seraphim Rose by Monk Damascene Christensen (Chapter 61, pp. 464-476)



 

A man who does not express a desire to link himself to the latest of the saints (in time) in all love and humility owing to a certain distrust in himself, will never be linked to the preceding saints and will not be admitted to their succession, even though he thinks he possesses all possible faith and love for God and for all His saints.  He will be cast out of their midst, as one who refused to take humbly the place allotted to him by God before all time, and to link himself to that latest saint (in time) as God had disposed.

 

- St. Symeon the New Theologian

 

Father Seraphim lived at a time when there was talk among scholars and intellectuals of a fashionable “Patristic revival.”  This was a positive phenomenon in that many rare Patristic texts were being made known in the modern world; but Fr. Seraphim was also to see its dangers.  Having himself learned how to approach the Orthodox Tradition through a direct, living transmission from saints, he was unhappily though inevitably set at odds with scholars and theologians who had not received such a transmission.  These people, he said, were creating “a whole new approach to Orthodoxy”; and his times demanded that he speak out.

The new breed of scholars came first of all from the so-called “Parisian” school of Orthodox thought, composed mostly of members of the Russian intelligentsia.  While in Russia, some of these people had helped pave the way for the revolution.  (One, Peter Struve, had even been the translator of Marx’s Das Kapital into Russian.)  Seeing the horrors this would bring, they had repented of their work for the Marxist cause.  But it was too late: the horrors did come, and they all fled the country.  They formed an émigré community in Paris, and in their philosophy attempted a return to their cultural and religious heritage.  When they came to Orthodoxy, however, it was largely to an Orthodoxy of their own devising.  They looked down their noses at the “popular piety” of the “masses,” which they felt they had to refine according to their superior knowledge and intellectual expertise.  The most famous thinkers of this school were Nicholas Berdayaev and Fr. Sergius Bulgakov, who, in trying to be original, defended a whole system of heretical ideas which were later condemned by the Russian Church both in the Soviet Union and in the free world.  The next generation of thinkers was more subdued and careful; they would never fall into teachings so foreign to the Church.  In many respects, however, they shared the same general approach.  Some of them came to America, bringing that with them.  Chief among them was Fr. Alexander Schmemann.

Fr. Schmemann came to New York from Paris in 1951, and very soon became the unrivaled ideologue of the American Metropolia.  There were many things which he felt needed changing.  Like his predecessors, he was critical of “old-fashioned piety,” particularly that of pre-revolutionary Russia.  He believed this “piety” (the very word he used in a pejorative sense) was the result of unfortunate “cultural accretions” which had to be reevaluated and stripped off in layers by modern scholars.  He said that Orthodoxy had come under “Western captivity,” that its theology had been completely dominated by “Western influences” in recent centuries.  He spoke of finding “new ways of Russian theology,” of intellectually “mastering history” and thus “restoring” Orthodoxy to what he regarded as its pure form.  This, he said, was the task of the new theological “movement” that had sprung up in the 1920’s to supersede the old, “antiquated” understanding of Orthodoxy.  As Fr. Seraphim put it: “For Fr. Schmemann, the whole of Orthodoxy is transformed into a series of tremendously important ‘problems’ to which only a few of the academically elite have the approach to any ‘solutions.’”

Fr. Schememann believed that much could be gained for Orthodoxy in place of the old-world mentality.  He and his colleagues wanted Orthodoxy to be recognized by the big names in contemporary theology and the ecumenical movement, to address problems in the Western Christian “dialogue” in a fresh and exciting way.  To do this, they naturally resonated the theological fashions which were then in the air, making use of the new catch words and phrases such as “crisis” and, following Teilhard de Chardin, the “sanctification of the world.”

One of the currents of “progressive” Christianity was the disparagement of what was now termed “private virtue.”  Thomas Merton had been one of the first to take part in this, and Fr. Schmemann also reflected it, claiming that Orthodox piety had become too self-centered and individualistic, too concerned with the personal salvation of individual souls.  Compared with famous figures like Thomas Merton and Patriarch Athenagoras, however, Fr. Schmemann was more guarded in his conclusions.  He did not accept all the ramifications of the main contemporary currents of thought, but worked to effect an enlightened “synthesis” between these currents and Orthodoxy.  Very quickly he gained widespread recognition as a “dynamic and articulate spokesman of Orthodoxy.”

Fr. Herman had encountered Fr. Schmemann’s books when he was at Jordanville.  As he explained: “When I came to Jordanville, I read three books which were bound up with my conversion: the life of St. Seraphim, the Life of Elder Ambrose of Optina, and The Way of the Pilgrim.  I found that the most interesting thing about Christianity is the ascetics, because they make all of Christ’s talk about the Kingdom of God make sense.  And then someone said, ‘If you really want to know what’s happening in Orthodoxy today, read Schmemann.’  So I read it, and I was bored.  I read more, and I was still bored.  I wondered what was wrong.  And then I figured it out.  He speaks abstractly, albeit eloquently, not from experience, like the ascetics.  And then I thought: Big deal.  I could do the same – read books and think about them.  It was to-dimensional, while the saints are three-dimensional, because they have sought and attained the Kingdom of God and His righteousness.  They try their best to get it across to us, and it’s only our denseness that prevents us from understanding their experience.”

Fr Seraphim had an even stronger reaction to modern academic theology.  Once, when Fr. Herman read to him from some recent theological journal, Fr. Seraphim became indignant.  “If you read too much of that,” he said, “you may begin to take it seriously, which will detract from the power of the true spiritual texts which gave you life.”  We have seen how Fr. Seraphim had left the modern academic world because it was not governed by a love of Truth and had degenerated into “playing around with ideas.”  Here, he felt, were people doing much the same to the most precious thing in the world to him: Orthodox Christianity.  Like modern scholars in other fields, they had to “kill” their subject, take away its pulsing life, before they could dissect and study it.  Often their talk seemed a mere juggling of loaded theological terms, deprived of concrete application.

Of course, some of their writings and lectures were better than others.  But as Fr. Seraphim noted, “the message of even the best lecturers and writers today seems strangely powerless, without spiritual force.”  In an article for The Orthodox Word, he explained why:

“Orthodoxy today, with its priests and theologians and faithful, has become worldly.  The young people who come from comfortable homes and either accept or seek… a religion that is not remote from the self-satisfied life they have known; the professors and lecturers whose milieu is the academic world where, notoriously, nothing is accepted as ultimately serious, a matter of life or death; the very academic atmosphere of self-satisfied worldliness – all these factors join together to produce an artificial, hothouse atmosphere in which, no matter what might be said concerning exalted Orthodox truths or experiences, by the very context in which it is said and by virtue of the worldly orientation of both speaker and listener, it cannot strike to the depths of the soul and produce the profound commitment which used to be normal to Orthodox Christians…

“In the Russian emigration, the ‘theologians’ of the new school, who are eager to be in harmony with the intellectual fashions, to quote the latest Roman Catholic or Protestant scholarship, to adopt the whole ‘casual’ tone of contemporary life and especially of the academic world – have been aptly called ‘theologians with a cigarette.’…  Their message has no power, because they themselves are entirely of this world and address worldly people in a worldly atmosphere – from all this it is not Orthodox exploits that come, but only idle talk and empty, pompous phrases.” [1]

Writing about an 80-year-old “living link” in Australia, the aforementioned Fr. Nicholas Deputatov, Fr. Seraphim noted that such true theologians “are not, as a rule, to be found in Orthodox academies, nor in pompous ‘theological conferences.’  They are to be sought in humbler places, and usually they will not bear the name ‘theologian.’  They themselves would not presume to call their handing down the Orthodox Theological tradition anything more than ‘faithfulness to the Holy Fathers’ – but it is just this faithfulness and this humility that mark them out as bearers of the authentic tradition of Orthodoxy – qualities which are lacking in the most renowned ‘Orthodox theologians’ today.” [2]

As early as 1957, Fr. Seraphim had read in the writings of Rene Guenon about modern scholars who look into traditional religion to find “something that can be made to fit the framework of their own outlook,” and then claim that this represents the “primitive and true” form of the religion, “whereas the remaining forms, according to them, are but comparatively late corruptions.” [3] This, as Fr. Seraphim understood, was exactly the approach of the modernist Orthodox spokesmen.  They were not at all restoring Orthodoxy to some lost purity, but were instead “renovating” it to conform to modern prejudices.  While disclaiming the fruits of the Reformation, they were in effect doing what Guenon had said of Protestantism: “exposing revelation to all the discussions which follow in the wake of purely human interpretations… [giving] birth to that dissolving ‘criticism’ which, in the hands of so-called ‘historians of religion,’ has become a weapon of offense against all religion.’”

In his book Introduction to Orthodox Liturgical Theology, Fr. Schmemann had critiqued the whole substance of Orthodox worship in a manner that appeared more Protestant than Orthodox.  Relying on Western, non-Orthodox sources, he yet claimed to have escaped the “Western captivity” of Liturgics.  He rejected the traditional Orthodox view that the history of worship was “divinely established and Providential,” and looked upon it rather as the result of mere historical circumstances.  Like Protestant scholars, he put the changes that occurred at the beginning of the Constantinian era in a dubious light, regarding them not as new forms of the expression of the same piety but rather as a reformation of the interpretation of worship and a deviation from the early Christian liturgical spirit and forms.  The true, “eschatological” nature of worship, he said, had been partially obscured by “mysteriological piety” and “symbolical explanations,” as well as by the “ascetic individualism” arising largely from monasticism.  Accordingly, the theological idea of the cycle of services had been “obscured and eclipsed by secondary strata in the Ordo,” and it remained for modern theologians to find it again.  This “secondary strata” consisted of precisely those elements which Protestantism has disowned – the Mysteries as a source of individual sanctification, the division of clergy and laity, the distinction between church feasts and “ordinary days,” the glorification of saints, the veneration of relics, etc. – elements which Fr. Schmemann referred to by such terms as the “cult of mysteries” and the “cult of saints.”  He expressed doubts as to “the complete liturgical soundness of Orthodoxy,” decried the present “liturgical piety,” and claimed that the Church was in a “liturgical crisis.”

As could be expected, Fr. Schmemann’s book was acclaimed by non-Orthodox scholars.  Its approach was quite disturbing, however, to one of Fr. Herman’s teachers at Jordanville, Fr. Michael Pomazansky.  Being one of the last living theologians to have graduated from the theological academies of pre-Revolutionary Russia, Fr. Michael felt called upon to write an article on Fr. Schmemann’s book.  Originally printed in Russian, the article was translated by Fr. Seraphim and printed in The Orthodox Word.  Fathers Seraphim and Herman thought it was excellently written: evenhanded, with clear expositions of Orthodox teaching to contrast with Fr. Schmemann’s distortions.

About the author of Introduction to Orthodox Liturgical Theology, Fr. Michael wrote: “He pays tribute to the method that reigns completely in contemporary science: leaving aside the idea of an overshadowing of Divine grace, the concept of sanctity of those who established the liturgical order, he limits himself to a naked chain of causes and effects.  Thus does positivism intrude nowadays into Christian science, into the sphere of the Church’s history in all its branches.  But if the positivists’ method is acknowledged as a scientific working principle in science, in the natural sciences, one can by no means apply it to living tradition, nor to every sphere of the life of Christianity and the Church, insofar as we remain believers.” [4]

It may be argued that Fr. Schmemann was inwardly not as Protestant as he appeared, that he was only trying to get the attention of heterodox theologians by writing in the key of modern academia, with its pretensions at “objectivity.”  At the canonization of St. Herman, for example, when he personally experienced the maximum expression of the “cult of saints,” he said he felt “the whole substance of faith.”  Reading this in an article, Fr. Seraphim wrote: “His heart is still Orthodox… but with his mind he is leading the ‘reform’ of the Metropolia and of Orthodoxy that will precisely make it impossible for future generations to feel what he felt… In all fairness, it should be noted that Fr. Schmemann probably does not see himself as a ‘reformer,’ and it will doubtless be left to other less sensitive souls, another generation removed from the life of genuine Orthodoxy, to draw the inevitable iconoclastic conclusions from Fr. Schmemann’s already Protestant views.” [5] In the words of Rene Guenon: “once launched, the revolt against the traditional outlook could not be arrested in mid-course.”

It should also be said that Fr. Schmemann’s “reforms” were actually a sincere attempt on his part to improve the morale of contemporary parishes.  In one article he wrote that the Metropolia’s “financial bankruptcy only reveals and reflects its spiritual state – a state of apathy and demoralization.”  He correctly diagnosed the disease, but, in Fr. Seraphim’s view, he gave the wrong cure.  The chief hierarch of the Metropolia, Ireney, had been trying to help matters by salvaging at least some parts of the liturgical practice of the Russian Church.  But Fr. Schmemann believed that the nominal parishioners would even find this minimum unmeaningful.  “He believes,” wrote Fr. Seraphim, “the Typicon must be revised in light of our knowledge of its historical development, of other traditions, and the like.  In a word, the services must be made somehow palatable to spiritually bankrupt people!  Fr. Schmemann takes a bad situation and makes it worse, advocating the establishment of a new typicon, a lower standard – which the next generation of the Metropolia will undoubtedly likewise find ‘unmeaningful’ and too demanding!” [6]

Elsewhere Fr. Seraphim wrote that the new breed of Orthodox “adapts the faith to the present low level of spiritual awareness; there are exceptions, of course, but that is the general trend.”

This could also be seen when reform-minded Orthodox gathered in 1971 to prepare for an “Eighth Ecumenical Council,” a council which was supposed to do for Orthodoxy what Vatican II had done for Roman Catholicism.  One of the reports on the agenda, entitled, “Revision of the Ecclesiastical Prescription Concerning Fasting, in Conformity with the needs of our Epoch,” proposed that, since most Orthodox believers do not keep the whole Orthodox fast, the fast should be made easier to suit them, “in order to avoid the problems of conscience create by the violation of the severe ecclesiastical prescriptions.”

“Such an approach,” wrote Fr. Seraphim, “is totally un-Orthodox, and constitutes an obvious and crude imitation of the reform spirit of the Latin church, which ended by abolishing fasting altogether.  The Orthodox rule of fasting is not intended to ‘avoid problems of conscience,’ but rather to call believers to a difficult, inspiring and humbling standard of Christian life; if they fall short of the standard, then at least they can see how far their life is from the standard, the norm, which always remains the same.  The Papal idea, based on the corrupt modern principle of spiritual self-satisfaction, is either to give a special ‘dispensation’ from the standard (an idea which has already entered some Orthodox jurisdictions), or else to change the standard itself so that the believer can fulfill it easily and thereby obtain a sense of self-satisfaction from ‘obeying the law.’  This is precisely the difference between the Publican and the Pharisee: the Orthodox man feels himself constantly a sinner because he falls short of the Church’s exalted standard (in spirit if not in letter), whereas the ‘modern’ man wishes to feel himself justified, without any twinge of conscience over falling short of the Church’s standard.” [7]

Fr. Seraphim, then, saw that the cure for apathy lay not in dissecting Orthodoxy into pieces, but in setting up the whole of its tradition as a goal towards which people could strive.  “We, the last Christians,” he wrote, “are far from the normal life of Orthodox piety; how much, therefore, must we struggle in order to get back to that normal life!  But how inspiring is the path of it!”  “Enlightened” criticism of Orthodox piety only distracts people from the main concern.  As Fr. Seraphim observed, what is needed is “a priest of the ‘old-fashioned’ mentality, on fire with Orthodoxy and so desirous for the salvation of his flock that he will not excuse their sins and worldly habits but is constantly urging them up to a higher spiritual life.” [8]

With pain Fr. Seraphim and Herman watched the new ‘American” Church that Fr. Schmemann, in his own sincere way, was striving to create.  Since America has no deep, long-standing Orthodox roots, the greatest danger in this lay in cutting off the roots of living tradition.  Fr. Seraphim stated, Fr. Schmemann was paving the way for a rootless Orthodoxy for new generations of Americans who “will not even know what they have lost.”  He was seeking to build American Orthodoxy on the autonomous “theology” of modern scholars rather than on a living transmission of spiritual wisdom from holy bearers of the tradition.  Fr. Seraphim knew from experience how vital that transmission was: without it he would never have entered the “heart of hearts,” the deeper dimension of Orthodox life for which it was worth giving up “all that is in the world.”  Once this transmission was lost, it could not be restored.

Fr. Schmemann was ignoring the “living links” by which alone, according to the teaching of St. Symeon the New Theologian, he could be tied to the ancient saints.  He said the idea of “Holy Russia” was just romantic nostalgia.  And its brightest luminaries – those whom Providence had washed onto American shores – represented to him an immigrant parochialism and an obsolete, “apocalyptic” piety unsuited to what he regarded as “the mission of Orthodox theology today.”  As a case in point, not twenty miles from his home in New York lived Fr. Adrian, that link with the Optina Elders and a clairvoyant spiritual guide himself, who was very open-minded with regard to thinkers like Fr. Schmemann.  Although Fr. Schmemann knew about him, he chose to receive his wisdom from modern institutes instead.

It was from the example of the new breed of theologians that Fr. Seraphim first beheld how perilous was the attitude of “knowing better”:  nothing so hindered one from receiving the living tradition.  “In our confused days,” he wrote, “when a hundred conflicting voices claim to speak for Orthodoxy, it is essential to know whom one can trust as spokesman for true Orthodoxy.  It is not enough to claim to speak for Patristic Orthodoxy: one must be in the genuine tradition of the Holy Fathers, not merely ‘rediscovering’ them in a modern academy or seminary, but actually receiving their tradition from one’s own fathers.  A merely clever explainer of Patristic doctrine is not in this tradition, but only one who, not trusting his own judgment or that of his peers, is constantly asking of his own fathers what is the proper approach to and understanding of the Holy Fathers.”

After Archbishop John’s death, Fr. Seraphim’s own guide to the Holy Father’s had been Archbishop Averky, to whom Archbishop John had once told the brothers to turn whenever they had questions.  “Archbishop Averky,” Fr. Seraphim wrote, “is in the genuine patristic tradition as few other living Orthodox fathers.  A disciple of great 20th century theologian and holy hierarch, Archbishop Theophan of Poltava, Archbishop Averky is a bearer and transmitter, in  a direct and unbroken line of Orthodox theologians, of the genuine Patristic doctrine which is in danger of being eclipsed by today’s generation of Western-educated proud ‘young theologians.’  In recent years his voice has resounded and thundered as never before… as he strives to give the true Orthodox teaching to Orthodox Christians who are rapidly losing the salt of Orthodoxy.” [9]

Archbishop Averky himself addressed the phenomenon of the new theologians.  “Alas!” he wrote.  “How few people there are in our times, even among the educated, and at times even among contemporary ‘theologians’ and those in the ranks of clergy, who understand what Orthodoxy is and wherein its essence lies.  They approach this question in an utterly external, formal manner and resolve it too primitively, even naively, overlooking its depths completely and not seeing the fullness of its spiritual contents.” [10]

One difference between a modern Holy Father like Archbishop Averky and a mere explainer of Patristic doctrine was their respective attitudes toward the apocalyptic and prophetic aspects of Orthodoxy.  Being in a direct line of prophets, Archbishop Averky did not hesitate to impart what to the lovers of this world might be a hard saying.  Modern academic theology, on the other hand, was already too much a part of the world to do this.  “If the Christian faith is indeed eschatological,” Fr. Schmemann wrote, “it is precisely not apocalyptic…. Apocalypticism is truly a heresy.”  Not only Archbishop Averky, but all the holy people Fr. Seraphim had known had a very sober view of imminent tribulations and deceptions.  The new theologians demonstrated their foreignness to this traditional outlook by calling such people ‘neurotic’ and defeatists.’” [11]

It was clear to Fr. Seraphim that today’s academic theology could not be successfully blended with the life of monasticism.  Various attempts at such a combination bore this out, and the reasons were not difficult to discern.  Whereas the former was abstract, the latter was down-to-earth; whereas the former was filled with talk of complex theological “problems,” the latter required simplicity of heart; and whereas the former was devised according to the way the world thinks, the latter was by nature at odds with the world.  Of all the academic theologians, Fr. Schmemann had the most animated vision of Orthodoxy in America; but even this could do hardly more than raise one a step above nominal Christianity.  It could not inspire one to take the first step of the Ladder of Divine Ascent: renunciation.

In theory, Fr. Schmemann regarded monasticism very highly, but in practice he was suspicious of it for what he regarded as its corruptions, blaming monastic influence in large part for the piety and church traditions of which he disapproved. [12] He placed the monastic-ascetic tradition at odds with the “lay” Orthodoxy he envisioned, rather than seeing the former as the prime motivator and inspirer of the latter.  As Fr. Seraphim wrote, however: “It is precisely the monastic services which are taken as the standard of the Church’s life of worship, because monasticism itself most clearly expresses the ideal toward which the whole believing Church strives.  The condition of monasticism at any given time is ordinarily one of the best indicators of the spiritual condition of the whole Church, or of any local Church; and similarly, the degree to which the local parishes in the world strive toward the ideal of the monastic service is the best indicator of the condition of the Divine worship which is conducted in them.” [13]

Father Seraphim saw the final argument against modernist theology in its very fruits.  Traditional Orthodoxy, with all its alleged “cultural accretions” and “impurities,” has nurtured saints even in our own times; “restored” or “rediscovered” Orthodoxy, with all its claims at being more pure or better informed, has produced, at best, clever men.  The latter, Fr. Seraphim perceived, has lost the feeling for the whole atmosphere of piety in which saints have been raised.

Whereas academics theologians were trying to inspire the new generation of American Orthodox with “the task of Orthodox theology today,” Fr. Seraphim wanted to inspire it above all with ascetic podvig: “emphasis on doing spiritual life rather than talking about it.”  Podvig was what had moved all the great “living links” to become men and women of sanctity, and it alone would give birth to more sanctity in the American land.  As Archbishop Averky had said, “Orthodoxy is an ascetic faith that calls to ascetic labor in the name of the uprooting of sinful passions and the implanting of Christian virtue.”  And, according to the teaching of St. John Climacus and other Holy Fathers, one must conquer the passions before even attempting to theologize.

In almost every issue of The Orthodox Word, the fathers presented the Life of an ascetic laborer, a true knower of God.  They knew that, more than anything else, it was love for the ascetics themselves that inspired one to podvig.  Fr. Seraphim did not see this love for ascetics coming from the journals of the new theologians.  “And without love for saints,” he wrote, “one’s Orthodoxy is crippled and one’s sense of direction is off – for they are the examples one has to follow.”

In 1973 the fathers began to publish the Lives of the desert-dwellers of Northern Russia, having painstakingly written and compiled them from a number of rare sources.  Their definite aim, they said, was to give them “not merely as an example of dead history, but of living tradition.”  Even while they were printing them separately in each issue, however, one leading academic theologian chastised in print “those who call to non-existent deserts,” evidently regarding such Lives as an appeal to a religious “romanticism” totally out of step with contemporary conditions of life.  When the fathers finally printed the Lives together in a book, which they called The Northern Thebaid, Fr. Seraphim answered this criticism as follows:

“Why, indeed, should we inspire today’s Orthodox youth with the call of the ‘Northern Thebaid’ [of Russia] which has in it something attractive and somehow more accessible for a 20th century zealot than the barren desert of Egypt?

“First of all, the monastic life here described has not entirely disappeared from the earth; it is possible to find Orthodox monastic communities which teach the spiritual doctrine of the Holy Fathers, and to lead the Orthodox monastic life even in the 20th century – with constant self-reproach over how far one falls short of the Lives of the ancient Fathers in these times…. The wise seeker can find his ‘desert’ even in our barren 20th century.

“But this book is not intended only for such fortunate ones.

Every Orthodox Christian should know the Lives of the Fathers of the desert, which together with the Lives of the Martyrs give us the model for our own life of Christian struggle.  Even so, every Orthodox Christian should know of Valaam, of Solovki, of Svir, of Siya and Obnora and White Lake, of the Skete of Sora, and of the Angel-like men who dwelled there being translated to heaven, living the Orthodox spiritual life to which every Orthodox Christian is called, according to his strength and the conditions of his life.  Every Orthodox Christian should be inspired by their life of struggle far from the ways of the world.  There is no ‘romanticism’ here.  The actual ‘romantics’ of our times are the reformers of ‘Parisian Orthodoxy’ who, disparaging the authentic Orthodox tradition, wish to ‘sanctify the world,’ to prostitute the spiritual tradition ‘for the life of the world,’ to replace the authentic Orthodox world view with a this-worldly counterfeit of it based on modern Western thought.  The spiritual life of the true monastic tradition is the norm of our Christian life, and we had better be informed of it before the terrible last day when we are called to account for our lax life.  We shall not be judged for our ignorance of the vocabulary of contemporary ‘Orthodox theology,’ but we shall surely be judged for not struggling on the path to salvation.  If we do not live like these Saints, then let us at least increase our far-too-feeble struggles from God, and offer our fervent tears of repentance and our constant self-reproach at falling so short of the standard of perfection which God has shown us in His wondrous Saints.” [14]

In some of his later works – those which were aimed more at the orthodox faithful than at academicians – Fr. Schmemann succeeded in providing practical edification while avoiding modern criticism of the “defects” of traditional Orthodoxy.  But for him, and especially for his followers, the transmission remained severed.  Although he made frequent mention of St. Seraphim in his lectures, he could only appreciate selected aspects of him.  He could not fully enter into this Saint’s ascetic and apocalyptic spirit (as seen, for example, in the “Great Diveyevo Mystery”), for he had cut himself off from the saints of his own time, even from those of St. Seraphim’s same spiritual lineage who lived nearby.

It was their burden to preserve the living transmission of Orthodoxy in America that caused the fathers to take such a sharp tone against “renovated” Orthodoxy.  “Schmemannism” posed a real threat, but the fathers were after all able to separate the man from the “ism.”  The distortions of Orthodoxy could never be accepted or passed over, but the man himself could be forgiven.  Fr. Seraphim had no personal animosity toward him, and in fact respected him for his commitment to bringing the Orthodox Faith to his fellow Americans.  Fearing that Fr. Schmemann might have misinterpreted Fr. Seraphim’s intention and had been personally hurt, Fr. Herman went to visit him after Fr. Seraphim died.  He made a prostration before Fr. Schmemann and asked forgiveness on the part of his departed brother.  Fr. Schmemann, who was then approaching death himself, readily forgave Fr. Seraphim.

Thus, by God’s grace, were the souls of Fr. Seraphim and Fr. Alexander Schmemann reconciled for the future life.  Fr. Schmemann, although there is no indication that he came closer to agreeing with Fr. Seraphim’s ideas, must have placed value in the fact that Fr. Seraphim was a product of the very American Orthodox mission to which he, Fr. Schmemann, had devoted the greater part of his life.  In the case of Fr. Seraphim, it was no immigrant, born in 19th-century Russia, who was calling Americans too old-fashioned, apocalyptic Orthodoxy piety, but rather full-blooded American who had himself been raised in this secular, pluralistic society, who had never even been told of Orthodoxy while growing up but had instead been inculcated with the “American dream,” which he had rejected.  Soon after Fr. Seraphim’s death and not long before his own, Fr. Schmemann was able to look at Fr. Seraphim’s life, the life of an American Orthodox convert, and to say: “Here is a man to whom belongs the future.” [15]

 

1. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Holy Fathers, III,” pp. 234-236.

2. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Our Living Links with the Holy Fathers: Archpriest Nicholas Deputatov,” The Orthodox Word, no. 69 (1976), p. 100.

3. Rene Guenon, Introduction to the study of Hindu Doctrines (London: Luzac and Co., 1945), p. 195.

4. Fr. Michael Pomazansky, “The Liturgical Theology of Fr. A. Schmemann,” The Orthodox Word, no. 35 (1970), p. 263.

5. Ibid., p. 260

6. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Typicon of the Orthodox Church’s Divine Services: Inspiration of True Orthodox Piety” (Introduction), The Orthodox Word, no. 53 (1973), p. 224.

7. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Towards the ‘Eighth Ecumenical Council,’” The Orthodox Word, no. 71 (1976), pp. 190-191.

8. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Holy Fathers, III,” p.235.

9. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “Our Living Links with the Holy Fathers: Archbishop Averky of Jordanville,” The Orthodox Word, no. 62 (1975), p. 95.

10. Archbishop Averky, “What is Orthodoxy?”  Orthodox Life (Jordanville, New York: Holy Trinity Monastery, May-June, 1976), p. 1.

11. Alexander Schmemann, Church, World, Mission (Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 231-232.

12. See Alexander Schmemann, The Eucharist, (Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 231-232.

13. [Fr. Seraphim Rose], “The Typicon,” p. 225.

14. The Northern Thebaid (Platina, California: St. Herman Brotherhood, 1975), pp. xi-xii.

15. Fr. Seraphim Rose, Heavenly Realm, p. 10.

Is Canon 15 Optional or Mandatory?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iOoNmkCUwok

QUESTION. Read the Canon carefully and you will see that it imposes no obligation, but merely grants a right. Nowhere does it say that clergy are obliged to separate themselves from such a bishop before he is condemned, nor does it speak of any punishment or even a simple reprimand for those who do not separate themselves. And this despite the fact that, in the sacred Canons, it is customary to use the phrase “let him be deposed” when speaking of clergy who do not fulfill their obligations in their entirety.

ANSWER. If, however, it is maintained that, because no penalty (epitimion) is included in the second part of the Canon, it is optional, then this means that there is no “defilement” (spiritual impurity arising from communion with heresy). This, however, contradicts the Tradition of the Church, which accepts that such defilement does exist.

Moreover, neither the 33rd Apostolic Canon, nor the 9th Canon of Timothy, nor the 5th Canon of Saint Basil the Great contains penalties concerning the same matter, namely communion with heretics who have not yet been definitively condemned, and yet they are mandatory. Likewise, in Saint Athanasius the Great’s Epistle To the Monks, no penalty is prescribed, yet separation is regarded as mandatory (“you must flee”), a phrase expressing the common position of the Fathers of the Church.

At the same time, penalties do exist for Orthodox Christians who commune with heretics who have not yet been condemned, as laid down by the canonical principle, “He who communes with one who is outside communion shall himself be placed outside communion,” as well as by the declarations of Saint Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem: “He who prays together with a heretic in church or at home shall himself be placed outside communion.”

QUESTION. That this is true is also evident from the fact that, although countless bishops were deposed for heresy throughout the long history of the Church, no cleric was ever punished—or even simply reprimanded—for not hastening to separate himself immediately from a heretical Bishop, but instead waiting for his condemnation by a Synod. If the Canon were mandatory, it would have been interpreted as such in the practice of the Church, and we would have numerous examples of clergy being punished who, without adopting the views of their heretical bishop, continued to commemorate him until his synodal condemnation. No such example, however, exists.

ANSWER. Since spiritual defilement exists and penalties are prescribed, even if no one had ever been punished, this would be attributable to the loving-kindness and compassion of the Holy Fathers. After all, neither were those who came to Orthodoxy from Papism, from other heresies, or even from other religions punished, although defilement and penalties do exist.

Moreover, punishments were imposed:

Laity and Clergy: According to the interpretation of the eminent canonist Matthew Blastares concerning the canon contained in the Epistle To Rufinianus, the laypeople who entered into communion with the Arians, whether through deception or compulsion—which means that they remained Orthodox in faith—were subjected to penalties when they returned in repentance to the Orthodox. The same applied to Orthodox Clergy who entered into communion with the Arians under compulsion or for a good purpose: they were canonically liable and penalties had to be imposed upon them.

Monks: Saint Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, imposed a penalty upon monks who had prayed together with heretics who had not yet been condemned, even though they had ceased this sinful practice.

Clergy: Saint Theodore the Studite likewise imposed penalties upon clergy for the same matter.

(And if even laypeople and monks were punished, how much more does this apply to clergy who continue to commemorate heretics?)

The fact that these penalties chronologically preceded the enactment of the 15th Holy Canon does not diminish their significance, for although this Canon was formulated in the ninth century, it expresses the perennial experience of the Church. Moreover, as early as the seventh century, Saint Sophronius had already articulated the substance of Canons 13, 14, and 15, thereby expressing Holy Tradition.

QUESTION. “But if some separate themselves from a [bishop], not on the pretext of some personal transgression of his, but because of a heresy condemned by a Synod or by Holy Fathers, they are worthy of honor and acceptance, as Orthodox.” Indeed, here the Saint—Sophronius, in his Declarations—permits the cessation of commemoration/separation (walling off) from a heretical bishop only on the condition that the heresy has already been condemned by a Synod or by Holy Fathers. By this phrase, the Saint does not exclude the necessity of a synodal condemnation of the heretical bishop by name; had he meant otherwise, he would have said so explicitly.

The manner in which this statement of the Saint is formulated helps us to understand more clearly the optional character of the 15th Canon of the First-Second Council. The Saint says: “But if some separate themselves...,” that is, if some cease communion, they are “worthy of honor and acceptance.” The Saint does not say, “All are obliged to separate themselves.” Had his statement been mandatory in character, he would not have used the formulation “If some...”

ANSWER. That “all are obliged to separate themselves, to cease communion (to wall themselves off)” is stated by Saint Sophronius in the passage quoted above, when he writes: “You must flee, because the place (that is, the Church) has been defiled by them.” This leaves no room for an optional interpretation. And the reason is as follows: “He who prays together with a heretic in church or at home shall himself be placed outside communion.”

The synodal condemnation of the heretic takes place when the Synod convenes to judge him. The priest, however, becomes spiritually defiled (“a defiled/impure priest”) even before he loses his priesthood through deposition, and for this reason communion with him must be avoided.

Concerning Schisms and the 15th Canon

What, then, are these schisms, and why does [the Canon] use the plural? These schisms concern false bishops and false teachers. They disrupt the unity of the Church through the heresies they have accepted and introduce into her. As many as the false bishops are, so many are the schisms.

See how Saint Nicodemus the Hagiorite interprets it:

“But if the aforementioned ecclesiastical leaders are heretics and publicly preach their heresy, and for this reason those subject to them separate themselves from them—even before a synodal decision has been rendered concerning that heresy—those who separate themselves are not only not condemned for their separation, but are also worthy of the honor due to them as Orthodox. For by this separation, they did not cause a schism in the Church, but, on the contrary, delivered her from the schism and heresy of those false bishops.”

This schism belongs to and concerns the false bishop; Saint Nicodemus connects it directly with him. He is the one who disrupts the unity of the Church, and it is precisely from this schism that those who cease communion with him before the synodal decision deliver the Church.

QUESTION. “The haste to cease commemoration (wall oneself off) today is based on the mistaken notion that the Canon is mandatory in character. If the God-bearing Fathers who composed the Canon had wished to make it mandatory, they would have begun with the word ‘must,’ ‘are obliged,’ or ‘it is necessary,’ and would have prescribed penalties of excommunication or anathema in the event that someone failed to observe it.

Much has been said concerning this issue. I shall add the following: This Canon, in the section that concerns us, is in many places drawn from Saint Sophronius of Jerusalem’s work On Declarations. In this work, Saint Sophronius, for didactic/pedagogical reasons, pronounces curses upon those who transgress the divine commandments. Yet when he comes to this particular passage, he prescribes no penalty (epitimion). He simply judges—just as does the 15th Canon—that whoever ceases communion with his heretical ecclesiastical superior is worthy to receive honor and acceptance” (I. Fotopoulos, Lack of Communion and Walling Off According to the Teaching and Life of the Holy Fathers, p. 7).

ANSWER. Saint Sophronius’ treatise On Declarations constitutes a unified text. In order to draw correct conclusions, everything contained in it must be taken into account, in accordance with the hermeneutical principle that the part is examined in light of the whole, and not the whole in light of the part.

The excommunication, therefore, is found in the following passage: “He who prays together with a heretic in church or at home shall himself be placed outside communion.”

That this refers even to an uncondemned (“not yet condemned”) heretic is demonstrated by another passage from the Saint himself: “For this reason, you must flee, because the place has been defiled....” Here the word pheukteon is used, meaning “one must avoid/one must flee,” which expresses precisely the “must,” “are obliged,” or “it is necessary” demanded by the opposing side (the objection).

Therefore, both the excommunication and the “must” are present. Consequently, the passage from the Declarations—from which the 15th Holy Canon is drawn—is mandatory in character, according to the teaching of Saint Sophronius of Jerusalem taken as a whole. By extension, the corresponding part of the 15th Canon is likewise mandatory, in order that spiritual defilement may be avoided.

 

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/07/15.html

Sunday, July 26, 2026

The Principle of Communicating Vessels and the Fifth Ecumenical Council

Greek source: The Concept of Defilement of the Orthodox from Ecclesiastical Communion with Uncondemned Heretics, by Hieromonk Eugenios the Hagiorite, Thessaloniki, 2023. Text edited by Protopresbyter Dimitrios Athanasiou.




1. How the Principle of Communicating Vessels Arises

According to the “consensus Patrum” and the proceedings of the Ecumenical Councils, the “principle of communicating vessels” emerges as the spiritual mechanism through which the defilement of heresy is transmitted from one member of the Church to another. This principle does not concern the ontological loss of the priesthood, but participation in the impiety, condemnation, and schism of the heretic.

The principal ways in which this principle manifests itself and “operates” are the following:

A. Ecclesiastical Communion as a Means of Transmission. Defilement operates contagiously. Just as liquid flows between communicating vessels, so also false belief is shared from the heretic to the Orthodox Christian who is in communion with him, and from him to the “third person” who enters into communion with the one already defiled. False belief is necessarily transmitted through communion, making the Orthodox Christian a participant in it, even if he himself declares that he does not agree with the error.

B. Commemoration (Diptychs). The mention of a bishop’s name during the sacred Anaphora is regarded as full participation in the faith of the one commemorated. Through commemoration, the Orthodox Christian—even if he remains Orthodox-minded in his inward disposition—becomes a partaker in the heretic’s impiety.

C. Holy Communion. Participation in the Mysteries celebrated by uncondemned (non-deposed) heretics brings about defilement, because the faithful person becomes “a partaker of false belief and of their condemnation.” This communion is characterized as “spiritual adultery” and alienates man from God, making him akin to the devil.

D. Common Prayer and Sharing Meals. The Holy Fathers (Athanasius the Great, Basil the Great, Saint Sophronius, and others) teach that this principle extends also to common prayer or even to simple friendly association (“food and drink”) with heretics. On the basis of the principle, “Let him who communes with one who is out of communion himself be out of communion,” whoever communes with a person who is outside the Church’s sound condition himself becomes excluded from communion with the sound body of the Church.

E. Theological Foundation. The unity of the Church is not administrative but spiritual (“one in the Spirit”). When a bishop preaches heresy, he severs his unity with Christ and turns the Mysteries into “judgment and condemnation” for those who knowingly commune with him. Acceptance of this principle constitutes an “ancient and ancestral custom” and the common confession of the Saints of all ages.

Summary: The principle of communicating vessels arises from the organic unity of the ecclesiastical body, in which the spiritual condition of the head (the bishop) inevitably affects the members through liturgical and sacramental bonds.

2. Relevant Sacred Canons

According to the sources, there is a multitude of sacred Canons that establish the Church’s teaching concerning the severance of communion with heretics and the avoidance of spiritual defilement. These canons are not merely administrative provisions, but have a soteriological purpose, aiming to safeguard the believer’s unity with Christ.

A. Principal Canons on the Severance of Communion

Canon 15 of the First-Second Council: This is the principal canon that permits and commends the cessation of the commemoration of a bishop who preaches heresy “with bared head,” even before he has been condemned by a synod. The sources emphasize that this canon is obligatory for the avoidance of defilement.

• Apostolic Canon 31: It provides for the severance of communion with a bishop who errs in matters of “piety and justice.”

B. The Principle “He Who Communes with One Who Is Out of Communion...”

These canons stipulate that whoever enters into communion with persons who have been placed outside the Church (or who preach heresy) is defiled and himself becomes excluded from communion:

Apostolic Canon 10: It orders the excommunication of anyone who prays together with one who is out of communion, even in a private house.

Canon 2 of the Council of Antioch: It expressly declares: “Let him who communes with those who are out of communion himself be out of communion,” a principle which, according to the Fathers, also applies to uncondemned heretics, in order to avoid sharing in their defilement.

Apostolic Canon 11: It imposes the penalty of deposition upon a cleric who prays together with one who has been deposed.

C. Canons Concerning Common Prayer and Liturgical Presence

Canon 33 of Laodicea: It expressly forbids common prayer with heretics or schismatics.

Canon 9 of Timothy of Alexandria: It teaches that the presence of heretics during the Divine Liturgy causes spiritual harm to the cleric; for this reason, the deacon proclaims, “Let those who are out of communion depart.”

Apostolic Canon 33: It forbids the reception of foreign clerics into communion if, after examination, they are found to be heretics.

D. Other Relevant Provisions

Canon 11 of Carthage: It refers to separation from a bishop for reasons of faith.

Canon 5 of Basil the Great: It is included among the canons that impose abstention from communion with the heterodox.

Canons 1 and 3 of the Third Ecumenical Council: They prescribe the deposition and exclusion from communion of those who follow the false beliefs of Nestorius or Celestius.

Conclusion: The perennial consciousness of the Church (consensus Patrum) interprets these canons as a unified spiritual framework requiring the severance of communion with heresy, so that the “principle of communicating vessels” may not operate and defilement be transmitted to the sound body of the faithful.

3. Application of the Principle at the Fifth Ecumenical Council

The application of the “principle of communicating vessels” at the Fifth Ecumenical Council (A.D. 553) constitutes, according to the sources, the central ecclesiological example of the manner in which heresy is transmitted through ecclesiastical communion, even before a formal deposition.

This application was manifested in the following ways:

A. The Removal of Pope Vigilius from the Diptychs

The Council applied the principle of communicating vessels when it accepted Emperor Justinian’s proposal (“Divine Edict”) that the name of Pope Vigilius be removed from the sacred diptychs. Although the Pope had not yet been formally deposed by the Council, his removal was deemed necessary because he had identified himself with the impiety of the “Three Chapters.”

B. Defilement as “Participation in Impiety”

The reasoning of the Council, as recorded in the proceedings, was that the continued commemoration of and communion with the Pope would mean that the Orthodox Fathers of the Council also “would be found participating in the impiety of Nestorius and Theodore.”

• The principle operated as a spiritual means of transmission. The false belief of one member (the Pope) “flowed” to the other members through the liturgical mention of his name.

• It is clarified that this participation in defilement did not signify the automatic loss of the priesthood for the Orthodox, but made them jointly responsible for alienation from God.

C. The Defilement of the Purity of the Mysteries

One of the most significant applications of the principle at the Fifth Ecumenical Council was the declaration that communion with a heretical bishop “defiles the purity of the Mysteries.” According to the Council, this defilement does not render the Mysteries non-existent (invalid), but alters their effect upon the believer: instead of bringing the remission of sins, the reception of Holy Communion becomes “judgment and condemnation” for those who commune “knowingly” with impiety. The Council taught that the believer may hope for the remission of sins only when receiving communion from priests who “worship God in an Orthodox manner.”

D. The Distinction Between the Person and the See

The Council applied the principle of communicating vessels with great precision, distinguishing the person of Vigilius from the See of Rome. While it severed communion with Vigilius in order to avoid sharing in his defilement, it preserved unity with the “Apostolic See.” This demonstrates that the defilement concerns the specific spiritual relationship with the individual bearer of the heresy, and not the ontology of the Church.

E. The Universal Validity of the Principle

The position of the Fifth Ecumenical Council demonstrated that the principle of communicating vessels constitutes the common confession and perennial position of the Church. The cessation of the commemoration of an uncondemned heretical bishop was not regarded as schism, but as a “duty” and a “salutary action” for safeguarding the health of the ecclesiastical body.

 

Greek source online: https://apotixisi.blogspot.com/2026/07/blog-post_26.html

 

 

 

 

Elders Paisios and Porphyrios on the Old Calendarist Elder (St.) Ieronymos of Aegina

    (Letter of the Ever-Memorable Elder Paisios) IC XC NI KA Precious Cross “Saint Anna is our help” 25 July 1976 Sister ...