Sunday, September 13, 2026

War as Permitted by God, a Scourge, and a Remedy

Chorbishop Naum of Hvostan and Barajevo | September 5, 2026 | Gučevo, Serbia

 

In the following piece, we present the address delivered by His Grace Chorbishop Naum of Hvostan and Barajevo at the commemorative gathering held on Gučevo on September 5, 2026, marking the 112th anniversary of the Battle of Gučevo.

 

 

Honourable and venerable fathers, venerable sisters in monastic life, dear brothers and sisters,

Guided by love for God and our people, we have gathered again this year at this holy place to pay homage to the immortal Serbian heroes who laid down their lives for the honorable Cross and golden freedom in the glorious Battle of Gučevo. The feats of the Serbian army in the Great War were numerous, and the feat at Gučevo is one of the greatest and most glorious.

With prayerful trembling, we weave a wreath of flowers formed from words of praise and gratitude, lay it upon the Gučevo monument, and cry out from the depths of our souls: Glory and thanks to them!

Through their sacrifice, humanity, and heroism, the Serbian heroes of the Great War became beacons for the Serbian people and proclaimed the truth that heroism means defending oneself from the enemy, while humanity means defending the enemy from oneself. Indeed, the Serbian people’s struggle in the Great War was a righteous struggle against the enemies of the faith and the fatherland—that is heroism. In the face of the enemy’s atrocities, the Serbian soldier was not a beast but a Christlike man—that is humanity. Humanity and heroism brought us to the gates of victory, and the cross borne by our entire people, which we carried humbly and gratefully, opened them.

The Great War, that great madness of humanity and great tragedy, was for the Serbian people a defensive and just war against the force of evil. In it, we did not seize what belonged to others but defended what was our own. We defended our faith and sacred tradition, our churches and monasteries, our customs and culture, our literary creations and handicrafts, our fields and valleys, our forests and mountains, our rivers and lakes, our woollen coats and traditional leather shoes.

Let no one think that there can be no just war on earth. If there is a just war in heaven (see Rev. 12:7), why can there not also be one on earth? In that war in heaven, the good angels, led by the Holy Chief Commander Michael, defeated the utterly evil Satan and his evil angels and cast them out of heaven; in this war on earth, the Serbian people, led by Regent Aleksandar Karađorđević, defeated the evil Austro-Hungarian army and its allies and drove them out of Serbia. That blessed defensive war brought golden freedom to earthly Serbia and a host of nearly one million three hundred thousand New Martyrs to heavenly Serbia.

In the Great War, the Lord Himself determined the outcome. The Serbian people rose against the Austro-Hungarian Goliath and defeated him by the power of Christ, for God’s justice was on our side, and our people trusted neither in their army nor in their own wisdom, but only in God, the Almighty and All-Wise. One pursued a thousand, and two pursued ten thousand, for the Lord God fought for us (cf. Josh. 23:10). Courage is always with the righteous, and fear with the unrighteous.

Our enemies went to war against us because they had not first waged war against themselves, against their own passions and sinful desires. If a person does not wage war against himself, then he wages war against God and other people. Sin separates man from God and turns him into a beast. Sin is the cause of all disagreements among people and of all wars. Through an alliance with Satan, man becomes greedy and starts wars. Austro-Hungarian greed set the Great War in motion, while God’s justice decreed that those who coveted what belonged to others should ultimately lose even what was their own and disappear from the stage of history.

For the Serbian people, the Great War was permitted by God, a scourge and a remedy. With the scourge of war, the Lord shook the dust of sin from the soul of the nation. With the bitter remedy of war, the Lord halted the progress of a deadly disease, prevented the far greater catastrophe towards which the Serbian people were heading, and stopped the final extinction of the spirit and the final death of the soul. For after Turkish bondage and misery, the Serbs had begun to admire “European culture and values”—or, more precisely, to admire Satan dressed in finery. The Great War taught us to value the human person more than “European culture” and perishable wealth, and to think more about heaven than about earth. Amid the whirlwind of war, Saint Sava thundered to the Serbs: “Children, lift up your hearts.” Many Serbs heard that voice and, together with Saint Sava, cried out to God: “Enough, O God; spare the remnant.”

After the bitter remedy of the Great War, the Serbian people became spiritually healthier, but not completely healthy. As time passed, their spiritual health deteriorated again, so the Lord permitted great suffering in the Second World War as well. It was an even harsher scourge and an even more bitter remedy. This scourge did not bring us to our senses; on the contrary, we became even worse. The post-war communist period showed that the disease had worsened, as many candles for the family patron saint’s feast were extinguished, and icons were cast out of homes and replaced with pictures of Comrade Tito. Persecution of the Church began at the hands of renegade Serbs—the communists. Churches became empty, while taverns and stadiums were full.

When this evil too had passed, an even greater evil came, an all-encompassing evil: the pan-heresy of ecumenism. Heresy is the greatest punishment that can befall a people for their sins. It is the death of the soul. As much as the soul surpasses the body in worth, so much does heresy surpass war as an evil. Because of communism and ecumenism, the Lord permitted our people to suffer anew in the wars of the 1990s. In those wars, we lost the western Serbian lands and Kosovo and Metohija.

Ecumenism, that infernal worm, continues even today to gnaw silently at the soul of the Serbian people and threatens to kill it completely. Today it is our greatest enemy, our latest [Oskar] Potiorek. Thanks be to God for giving us Bishop Artemije of blessed repose to lead a war pleasing to God against this utter evil. Through the prayers of Saint Sava, the Holy Bishop Artemije, and all the Serbian saints, we believe that we shall defeat this enemy too and drive it out of the Serbian land, just as our glorious ancestors once drove out the Austro-Hungarians.

Today we live in the peace and freedom that our brave ancestors secured for us. But do we use that peace and freedom to serve God? Unfortunately, we do not. There is much evil among our people. Hundreds of thousands of children are killed each year through abortion. Fornication and adultery kill many Serbian souls. It is truly rare for young people to enter marriage as virgins. Scantily clad bodies reign supreme on our streets. The souls are naked, and so are the bodies. A high percentage of marriages end in divorce. Few families live a Christian life and put God first. Because of all this, the family, that basic cell of society, has been largely destroyed. Many people are addicted to drugs, tobacco, alcohol, mobile phones, and social media. This is why our hospitals, madhouses, and prisons are full. There is little harmony, love, or respect within the family or in society at large.

Because of our passion-ridden and sinful lives, the peace in which we live is hateful to God and will certainly not last. If we do not repent and return to God, we shall soon be punished with another war, more devastating than any before it. Let us remember: a people’s godlessness is the cradle of war, and “whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth” (Heb. 12:5).

The Holy Prophet Isaiah once proclaimed that lasting peace can be found only in the piety of the people: “Thus saith the Lord, thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel; I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit, which leadeth thee by the way that thou shouldest go. O that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea” (Is. 48:17–18).

Therefore, let us return to God through personal and national repentance, and we shall have lasting peace and God’s blessing. Let us not allow the Lord once again to perform the surgical operation of war, an operation that goes beyond every other remedy of God. Let us not trust in the wisdom and ability of our national leaders and politicians; let us not trust in any man, whoever he may be, for thus says the Lord: “Cursed is the man who trusts in man and makes flesh his strength, whose heart turns away from the Lord” (Jer. 17:5).

Serbs, the Lord God is a sturdy ship in the storm, our strength and our refuge—not man!

Above all, let us not trust in our economy, the most advanced weaponry, motorways, factories, artificial intelligence, and the other dust of which our present rulers boast so much. Let us trust in God alone, for every other trust is a deception of the devil.

Let us cry out to God: We have sinned, we have committed iniquity, we have acted unjustly before Thee; we have neither kept nor fulfilled what Thou hast commanded us, but forsake us not utterly, O God of our fathers (Dan. 9:5–6).

Let us confirm our repentance by a pure life, and we shall hear from the Lord: “Do not fear, for I am with you; do not be afraid, for I am your God. I will strengthen you and help you, and uphold you with My righteous right hand. Behold, all who rage against you will be ashamed and disgraced; they will become as nothing, and your adversaries will perish. You will seek your opponents but will not find them; those who wage war against you will become as nothing and cease to exist. For I, the Lord your God, hold you by your right hand and say to you: Do not fear; I will help you” (Is. 41:10–13).

May God grant that we Serbs of today may also live our earthly lives in holiness and righteousness, as did our holy ancestors, so that we too may say with them: “All was holy and honorable, and acceptable to our dear God.” May God’s name be glorified through our lives, so that people may see our good works and glorify our Father who is in heaven. Amen. Grant this, O God.

Next year in Prizren!                                           

 

Serbian source:

https://www.eparhija-prizren.org/horepiskop-naum-rat-kao-dopustenje-bozije-bic-i-lek/

 

 

God Will Save the Environment, Not Environmentalists!

Orthodoxos Typos | September 10, 2026

 

 

Following up on our previous commentary, Fr. Theodoros Zisis uses theological arguments to dismantle the Patriarch’s “concern” over supposedly “saving the environment.” The hidden aims lie elsewhere. He emphatically stated: “Joint prayer takes place in front of a globe. They are all praying to the goddess Earth, and this is what today’s celebration, Environment Day, implies. Environmentalists seek to save the environment themselves. Will they save the environment? Will they save the world? If God does not save the world, no one can save the world. We human beings do not bear responsibility for saving the world. We bear responsibility for the salvation of our souls. Saving the world is not our task; that is in God’s hands. Even if we wanted to destroy the world through natural disasters, we would not be able to. God would prevent us. God alone either allows the environment to be destroyed in order to discipline us or preserves it. Our responsibility is to attend to the salvation of our souls. And if we attend to the salvation of our souls and fulfil our spiritual duties, then the natural environment is saved as well. The fact that the natural environment is being destroyed today is due to our lack of spiritual steadfastness. When people are spiritually steadfast and live ascetically, live simply, live according to God’s commandments, then the natural environment is automatically saved as well. We must not live in comfort, self-indulgence, and luxury.” We wholeheartedly agree!

 

Greek source:

https://orthodoxostypos.gr/%cf%84%e1%bd%b8-%cf%80%ce%b5%cf%81%ce%b9%ce%b2%ce%ac%ce%bb%ce%bb%ce%bf%ce%bd-%ce%b8%e1%bd%b0-%cf%84%e1%bd%b8-%cf%83%cf%8e%cf%83%ce%b7-%e1%bd%81-%ce%b8%ce%b5%e1%bd%b8%cf%82-%ce%ba%ce%b1%e1%bd%b6/

Hesychasm—the Path to Theosis

Igumen Peter (Pigol), Abbot of the Athonite Metochion in Moscow

 

 

The foundation of Orthodox spiritual life is our Lord Jesus Christ, Who came to earth for the salvation of mankind and did everything necessary to accomplish it. He established His Church, where her faithful children grow and mature for eternal life in the Kingdom of God. Therefore, any question concerning the Church of Christ, her existence or her history, should be considered and studied in the context of this eternity, which the Church exists to enable us to attain.

Our own lives, too, and all the events taking place in the world should be evaluated from this same perspective, since, in essence, every expression of the human spirit and every human action, undertaken in the exercise of our God-given freedom, contributes either to salvation or to condemnation.

Two paths always lie open before man: the path of life and the path of death. This was already stated in the Old Testament: “I have set before you life and death, blessing and cursing. Choose life, that both you and your descendants may live.” [1] Some surviving works of early Christian literature begin with a reminder of this. [2] If a person is not walking the path of life, he is walking the path of death.

When the Lord Jesus Christ came to earth, He said: “I am the way, the truth, and the life; no one comes to the Father except through Me.” [3] Yet life in Christ, as the fulfillment of His Gospel commandments, takes on particular forms in the course of history. Striving to live according to the Gospel, people seek the conditions in which they can attain the fullness of life in Christ. Thus, for example, particular forms of asceticism developed over time, finding expression in cenobitic monasticism, life in a skete, and the eremitic life. Yet all these forms of asceticism share a single spiritual essence and are built upon the same principles—the principles of the Gospel.

Thus, when speaking of hesychasm, we must remember that it is a historical phenomenon. Although it emerged under the name hesychasm in the fourteenth century, this form of asceticism was not new to the life of the Church. It had existed from the beginning of Christianity and gradually developed into a coherent system, influencing every aspect of human life and activity, sometimes openly and sometimes imperceptibly.

Scholarly interest in hesychasm arose at the turn of the twentieth century. Yet serious research into it as a phenomenon and as a teaching began only in the second half of the twentieth century. Scholars and theologians from several countries published substantial studies presenting interesting scholarly observations and conclusions. However, to assess this spiritual phenomenon correctly, one must avoid a number of common errors typically made by secular scholars.

Here is the most significant of these errors, to which particular attention should be paid.

Although hesychasm is a phenomenon deeply rooted in the inner life of the Church and historically developed within her bosom, it is often considered apart from the Church and solely from a rationalistic standpoint. The ecclesiological approach—that is, the Church’s approach—which can be adopted only by someone who has entered the Church and become rooted in her life, is completely ignored.

Researchers living outside the Church’s tradition study hesychasm solely in terms of human capabilities and take no account whatsoever of the action of God’s grace—nor are they able to do so. They pay attention only to the outward form of the hesychasts’ lives and ascetic struggles, and believe that the very essence of the teaching of hesychasm lies in these outward practices and particular methods of asceticism.

Yet outside the Orthodox tradition, it is impossible to study and comprehend this phenomenon in all its fullness, to enter into contact with it, and still less to put it into practice in daily life and, through it, cultivate spiritual fruits of grace.

Hesychasm is a form of asceticism encompassing every aspect of the human spirit’s expression; it is a teaching on the whole of ascetic life. The term itself derives from the Greek word “hesychia” (ἡσυχία), which means “rest,” “silence,” or “detachment.” Thus, “hesychast,” rendered in Church Slavonic, means “one who practices sacred stillness.” This was the name given in the fourteenth century to ascetics who pursued their ascetic struggles in accordance with this teaching.

The spiritual and cultural movement of the same name also dates to this period. It arose through the lives, ascetic struggles, and activities of these ascetic elders—the hesychasts. This movement, in fact, initiated the spiritual and cultural flowering known as the Renaissance, thereby exerting a powerful and far-reaching influence on Christian society in both East and West.

Following the well-known theological disputes between the Barlaamites and the Palamites, [4] the West completely rejected the hesychast teaching, thereby renouncing the heritage of the ancient Church, and followed its own spiritual path. The result was the so-called Western civilization, founded on Western humanism. Byzantium, however, the South Slavic countries—Bulgaria, with its well-known hesychast centers in Paroria [5] and Tarnovo, and Serbia—and Romania experienced a great spiritual and cultural flowering under the influence of the hesychasts. In Serbia and Bulgaria, this was also accompanied by a strengthening of state power.

From Byzantium and the Balkans, the hesychast movement was passed on to Rus’ in the same fourteenth century, where well-known hesychast centers also arose. The earliest of these was the Holy Trinity Monastery of Venerable Sergius of Radonezh. Although the term hesychasm itself was not used, the teaching and methods practiced there were hesychastic. Another such center was the skete of Venerable Nilus of Sora († 1508), where the elders pursued their ascetic struggles in strict accordance with the hesychast foundations of spiritual life. Indeed, in every generation of Christian ascetics, there have always been holy fathers who systematized the teaching on spiritual practice, interpreting it through their own experience and presenting it to the world in accessible concepts and forms, explaining it as clearly as possible.

The fourteenth century was a period in which the hesychast teaching on spiritual life flourished. At that time, it effectively represented the quintessence of all Orthodoxy.

The second error in the study of hesychasm is literalism, a literal approach that consists in the following reasoning: since hesychasm is a teaching on contemplation, it must therefore be studied as a separate phenomenon, in the abstract, without connecting it to ordinary monastic ascetic life. This has given rise to the false view that there are two separate paths of asceticism, with little connection between them—the path of the active life and the path of contemplation. Then follows the paradoxical conclusion that the active way of life belongs exclusively to communal monasteries and cenobia, while contemplation belongs to life in a skete.

Such an assertion lacks elementary logic. After all, hesychasm is usually spoken of as the summit of monastic spiritual practice, and reference is made to the spiritual fruits acquired by hesychast ascetics... Yet none of this is given all at once or suddenly, without growth, without passing through the initial stages, without a gradual ascent to the summit of this practice, where the gifts of the grace of the Holy Spirit are acquired.

Yet these very heights are considered in isolation by some researchers, who regard hesychasm as contemplation alone, without the arduous path that must first be traveled to reach this summit.

What, then, is this height, and why have those who attained it come to be called “contemplatives”?

It is because the hesychasts, receiving the grace of the Holy Spirit through their spiritual practice, contemplated the uncreated Divine energies in the form of the light of Tabor, which the disciples of our Lord Jesus Christ saw during His Transfiguration on Mount Tabor. These ascetics received such consolation from God at the appointed time, when they had matured spiritually to the measure of the stature of Christ.

Such consolation was granted to them by the Lord neither at their own will nor because, through ascetic exercises, they had attained such a blessed state that they could contemplate the light of Tabor whenever they wished. This consolation is given by God only when He is pleased to grant it. This is a mystery of God’s Providence.

Yet the acquisition of the grace that the Lord gives a person also depends on that person, because the Lord does not save us and bestow gifts upon us without our participation; active effort on our part is necessary here. Whether or not to grant the grace of the Holy Spirit—that is, the higher spiritual gifts—depends, however, on God, Who Himself “has done whatever He pleased.” [6] No one can dispose of Divine grace at will. There is a certain mystery in this, too. And here researchers often make yet another error.

Those who have no understanding whatsoever of the grace-filled life of the Church say that, through particular exercises and training, hesychasts attained certain states similar to those attained, for example, by yogis and other Eastern ascetics. Parallels are drawn between them and the hesychasts, and sometimes they are even equated.

This is an entirely false view. The teaching and practice of the hesychasts have no connection whatsoever with the practice of Indian yogis and followers of other Eastern teachings. And vice versa.

Nor should researchers be perplexed by the fact that, at certain times during prayer, hesychasts use a particular bodily posture or other physical actions to help gather their attention and concentrate... These outward techniques are indeed employed and are intended to assist the human spirit, since man is a psychophysical, or spiritual and bodily, being, whose spirit and body are connected and influence one another. Hesychasts have always taken this connection into account, but these spiritual and bodily exercises were of secondary importance and by no means central to hesychast practice. One might even say that hesychasts attached no particular importance to them, using outward techniques as an aid.

The first matter to which hesychasts attached particular importance in their practice was a person’s attention.

If we recall the account of the Fall set forth in the Book of Genesis [7] and carefully trace all its stages, we will discover some very important points that must be clearly understood, because our spiritual orientation and our subsequent attitude toward everything taking place in the world and in human society depend on this.

Let us try to identify the most significant moment of the Fall.

God settled the first human beings in Paradise and endowed them with certain capacities that depended on their close bond with the Creator. This bond was expressed above all in the fact that they could not even conceive of themselves apart from God. All the powers of human nature, of the human soul, were in harmony and directed toward their Creator, Who was the natural center of all Adam and Eve’s aspirations and desires. The entire meaning of their lives lay in God alone. Through this union, they possessed capacities that were meant to develop and advance toward greater perfection. These capacities and gifts are illustrated by the naming of the animals, which the Lord brought to Adam so that he might give each of them a name. To give a name is to identify a creature’s most essential characteristic—that is, to penetrate to the very essence of a phenomenon and name the creature’s logos. The first man perceived the logoi of creatures and identified created beings because he viewed all that exists in the Divine light.

But God had given man one commandment: not to eat the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.

When Eve was near the forbidden tree, the enemy of mankind began, through the serpent, to suggest doubtful thoughts to her, seeking to take possession of her mind and interest her in something other than God. And he succeeded. After these suggestions, Eve suddenly saw that the fruit of the tree was “pleasant to the eyes and desirable.” [8] The object of her desire had changed: it was no longer the Lord, but the forbidden fruit. Here lies the most significant and important moment of the Fall: Eve’s attention was redirected; she shifted it from God to the forbidden fruit. There occurred what we would now call a reorientation of values. This, in fact, brought about her separation from God. And as a consequence came the Fall itself—the plucking of the fruit, fear, falsehood, the refusal to acknowledge one’s own guilt... This, in turn, led further “downhill” to all the tragic consequences with which we now contend: the corruption of human nature and death as a consequence of that distortion. Human beings suddenly discovered that they and the world around them were outside the grace of God. Through this rupture, the enemy of mankind—the devil—gained the power and ability, above all, to unsettle man’s faculty of thought, to influence him and his attention, and to keep him in this state apart from God.

This is why hesychasts insist so strongly on the reverse process—redirecting attention from the sinful world to the Divine world. Both our mind and our attention must be in God; we must remember God unceasingly and constantly walk before Him. “Seek nothing here on earth except God and the salvation of your soul,” say the ascetic elders. [9]

Venerable Gregory of Sinai, who revived this inner practice in the fourteenth century, was one of the pillars of hesychasm and an initiator of the spiritual and cultural flowering of that period. He speaks of this as follows: “Those who fulfill the commandments characteristically prefer above all else the greatest, all-embracing commandment concerning the remembrance of God, which says: ‘Always remember the Lord your God.’ [10] Through violating it, human beings perished, and through it they can be saved. Forgetfulness of God eradicates the remembrance of Him at its root and, by obscuring the commandments, thus leaves a person utterly naked spiritually.” [11] This commandment underlies all hesychast spiritual practice. It is one of the defining and foundational elements of the teaching.

To fulfill this commandment, attain attentiveness, keep one’s attention fixed on God, and return to the blessed state lost at the Fall is possible only with God’s help. If this could be accomplished without Divine participation, there would have been no need for the Lord Jesus Christ to come to earth. At the beginning of this article, we quoted the Savior’s words: “I am the way, the truth, and the life; no one comes to the Father except through Me.” And in the Acts of the Holy Apostles it is said: “There is no other name under heaven,” apart from the name of Jesus Christ, “by which we must be saved.” [12]

For man’s salvation—or, more precisely, his healing and the restoration of the wholeness he lost at the Fall—the help of grace is necessary. This help is given to man through the Savior’s coming and through the fruits of His redemptive work, which we make our own within the bosom of the holy Church. The return to God begins with entry into the Church of Christ through the Mystery of Baptism. This is why particular importance has always been attached to the Mystery of Baptism, and why the hesychast fathers focused so closely upon it. When an ascetic began his ascent under the guidance of experienced hesychasts but failed to attain the proper results that were already expected, the question of the validity of his Baptism would always arise. What if he had never been baptized, or his Baptism had been performed incorrectly?

During the Mystery of Baptism, the grace of the Holy Spirit is sown within a person. This grace is the foundation for man’s rebirth. Like the leaven in the Gospel, which must leaven the whole batch, [13] it must regenerate and transform him. With the help of this grace, a person can put off the old man with his passions and put on the new, [14] becoming a new creation in Christ. [15] For this reason, in the Orthodox Church’s tradition, the Mystery of Baptism has always been performed with great care, with full immersion, the correct sacramental formula, and so forth. Particular importance has likewise been attached to the Mystery of Chrismation—the reception of the “seal of the Holy Spirit.”

There was an occasion in the history of the hesychast movement when Patriarch Kallistos of Constantinople, a disciple of Venerable Gregory of Sinai, learned that in Bulgaria Baptism was being performed with a single immersion, and Chrismation with myrrh taken from the myrrh-streaming relics of the holy Martyr Barbaros, rather than with chrism consecrated in the patriarchal cathedral. He sent a letter directing that these errors be corrected and suspended those responsible from serving.

As already noted, the Fall brought about a distortion of human nature, which led to an inclination toward evil and a disordering of the powers of the soul. From this arose attachments to things that lead man away from God, followed by dependence on temporary harmful habits and their development into sinful passions, which became, as it were, man’s second nature. They became so intertwined with his nature that uprooting them became a very painful process, and man can no longer free himself from them by his own strength, without the help of grace. Sinful passion became the negative principle through which demonic power acts upon man. Sinful passions therefore impede the ascent to God. Consequently, the struggle against the passions is one of the chief components of the hesychasts’ teaching on the ascetic path of ascent to God.

The hesychasts clearly divided the entire course of man’s life in Christ into two periods.

The first period begins with Baptism—entry into the Church. The ascent to God then proceeds through purification from sinful passions and the acquisition of Christian virtues, by the power and action of the Mysteries instituted by the Lord, chiefly the Mysteries of Repentance and Communion, and with the help of the ascetic exercises carefully developed by the hesychasts. This ascetic path is called “action,” or the “active path,” in Greek πρᾶξις (praxis).

The second period is contemplation, in Greek θεωρία (theoria). [16]

Without the initial period, it is impossible to enter into the contemplation that leads one up to God. This is obvious and clear.

Venerable John Climacus taught: “Let no one subject to irritability and self-exaltation, hypocrisy and the remembrance of wrongs ever dare to see even a trace of stillness.” [17] If we turn to hesychast sources, above all to the writings of Venerable Gregory of Sinai, we will find confirmation of this. [18] Ascetics who lived not long before our own time affirm this as well. The Athonite elder and spiritual father, Hieroschemamonk Ieronymos (Solomentsov), advised “first learning in a cenobitic monastery to overcome the passions and thoughts, and then, armed with an elder’s blessing, going into the wilderness, following one’s guide’s counsel in everything.” [19]

The Russian scholar and researcher of ancient manuscripts, Archimandrite Porphyry (Uspensky), discovered a fourteenth-century manuscript in Iviron Monastery directly related to hesychast practice. It is an outline that hesychasts compiled for themselves, marking out the milestones and stages of their ascent so that they could always keep it before them as a reminder. This manuscript, which Father Porphyry published in Greek, [20] sets out the fundamental principles of hesychast practice.

The hesychasts themselves set out four principal tasks:

The 1st task, for beginners, is to weaken the passions;

The 2nd task, for those making progress, is to engage in psalmody;

The 3rd task, for those who have advanced, is to persevere in prayer;

The 4th task, for the perfect, is to abide in contemplation.

Anyone who has set foot on this path is already a hesychast, provided he has the proper orientation and remembrance of God, together with the desire to attain union with God, or theosis—to become god by grace.

Thus begins the “gradual”—step-by-step—ascent to God. The first step has already been discussed: it is Baptism and everything connected with weakening and uprooting the passions.

The second practice is psalmody, to which great importance is also attached. This is primarily because the Psalter is a book of Holy Scripture. Our Lord Jesus Christ testified to the purifying power of Holy Scripture: “You are already cleansed through the word which I have preached to you.” [21] “Even if you do not understand the power of the Divine words, at least accustom your lips to pronounce them,” teaches Saint John Chrysostom. “The tongue is sanctified by these words if they are spoken with zeal.” [22] That is, these words act beneficially and directly upon the soul of any person, even if he neither understands nor assimilates their content. The Psalter reiterates God’s commandments, which are so necessary for a righteous life. Saint Athanasius said: “In the words of this book, the whole of human life is measured and encompassed, every state of the soul, every movement of thought.” [23] Thus, in studying the Psalter, a person finds answers to all the questions of his life. And because the Psalter has a purifying effect upon the soul, a beginner, immediately upon entering the monastery, was instructed to learn several psalms and to read the Holy Scriptures of the New Testament regularly. In time, the entire Psalter was learned by heart.

The psalmody practiced by the hesychasts is a manner of reading the Psalter that helps keep one’s attention on the words of the prayer. According to the teaching of the holy fathers, the mind must be kept “without color” and “without images” and enclosed within the words of the prayer. Certain outward techniques were used to achieve this. Care was taken to keep the reading itself steady and uninterrupted, because, through the action of the devil, the mind is often distracted during the pause between spoken words. This method of continuous, even reading, without vocal emphasis, helps keep the mind attentive.

The third practice is to persevere in prayer. This is the inner practice of prayer, above all the Jesus Prayer, in which the mind is enclosed not within the words of the psalms, but within the words “Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me, a sinner.” When attention is held within these words and concentrated in the heart, and thus raised to God, this becomes a prayerful cry that burns away the passions still remaining at this stage and raises a person to the state of contemplation.

The state of contemplation—the fourth practice—is attained when the stage of dispassion is reached, and it is characterized, according to the holy fathers, by the gift of tears. This first gift is given as a sign that the sinful passions no longer have power and have been replaced by Christian virtues. Virtue then becomes a quality of the soul, which is precisely what is required of anyone who desires to attain theosis, receive his portion in the Kingdom of God, and inherit the life of the age to come, concerning which Holy Scripture says: “Eye has not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man what God has prepared for those who love Him.” [24]

 

NOTES

1. Deut. 30:19.

2. See, for example, The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles (Didache), in Early Christian Fathers of the Church: An Anthology. Brussels, 1978, p. 16.

3. John 14:6.

4. Barlaamites—followers of the monk Barlaam of Calabria (a region in southern Italy where Orthodoxy endured for a long time), who, drawing on the teachings of Abelard and Thomas Aquinas, disseminated ideas of rationalism and agnosticism in Byzantium. Condemned by the Councils of Constantinople in 1341, 1347, and 1351, he departed for Italy, embraced Catholicism, taught Petrarch and, through him, Boccaccio, received episcopal rank, and successfully propagated his views, thus becoming one of the ideologists of the European Renaissance. Palamites—followers of Saint Gregory Palamas († c. 1360), an Athonite monk and later Archbishop of Thessalonica, who articulated the teaching of the hesychasts in clear and precise theological concepts. The central question in the hesychast disputes between the Barlaamites and the Palamites, in which Western and Eastern worldviews clashed, concerned the possibility of man knowing the unknowable God and of a real, rather than abstract or imaginary, encounter with Him face to face. Drawing on the spiritual experience of the apostles who witnessed the Lord’s Transfiguration and of subsequent Orthodox ascetics, the Palamites demonstrated the possibility of partial knowledge of God in His energies (operations).

5. Paroria—a region in northern Thrace, close to the border between Byzantium and Bulgaria.

6. Ps. 113:11.

7. Gen. 3:1–24.

8. Gen. 3:6.

9. The Great Watch: The Life and Works of the Athonite Elders of Blessed Memory, Hieroschemamonk Ieronymos and Schema-Archimandrite Makarios. Book 1: Hieroschemamonk Ieronymos, Elder and Spiritual Father of the Russian Monastery of Saint Panteleimon on Mount Athos. Moscow, 2001, p. 520.

10. Deut. 8:18.

11. Venerable Gregory of Sinai. Works. Moscow, 1999, p. 12.

12. Acts 4:12.

13. See the Gospel according to Matthew: “He told them another parable: The Kingdom of Heaven is like leaven, which a woman took and put into three measures of flour until the whole was leavened” (Matt. 13:33).

14. See the Epistle to the Colossians: “But now put away all these: anger, wrath, malice, slander, and filthy language from your mouths. Do not lie to one another, since you have put off the old man with his deeds and have put on the new man, who is being renewed in knowledge according to the image of his Creator” (Col. 3:8–10).

15. See the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor. 5:17).

16. θεωρία—this Greek term encompasses such meanings as observation; contemplation, reflection; teaching, theory.

17. Venerable John Climacus. The Ladder. Sergiev Posad, 1908, p. 237.

18. See, for example: Venerable Gregory of Sinai. Works, pp. 48, 65, 86–87.

19. The Great Watch, p. 486.

20. Bishop Porphyry (Uspensky). The Christian East. Athos: A History of Athos. Saint Petersburg, 1892. Part 3, section 2, pp. 609–615.

21. (John 15:3).

22. Quoted in: Igumen Peter (Pigol). “The Psalter in the Life of Orthodox Christians,” Danilov Monastery Herald. Moscow, 1991, no. 1, pp. 50–51.

23. Spiritual Conversation. 1872, no. 27, p. 40.

24. 1 Cor. 2:9.

 

Russian source: Философские науки [Philosophical Sciences], 2005, No. 2, pp. 59-71.

Papal Church: Note on the Expression “Sister Churches”

[The most harmful trait of Ecumenism is its lack of forthrightness. Below is the Roman Catholic Church’s true understanding of the ecumenical phrase “Sister Church.” Long story short, in the ecumenical context, it is meaningless to them. – Blog. Admin.]

 

 

Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith | June 30, 2000

A. LETTER TO THE PRESIDENTS OF THE CONFERENCES OF BISHOPS

 

Your Eminence (Your Excellency):

In recent years, the attention of this Congregation has been directed to problems arising from the use of the phrase “sister Churches,” an expression which appears in important documents of the Magisterium, but which has also been employed in other writings, and in the discussions connected with the dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches.  It is an expression that has become part of the common vocabulary to indicate the objective bond between the Church of Rome and Orthodox Churches.

Unfortunately, in certain publications and in the writings of some theologians involved in ecumenical dialogue, it has recently become common to use this expression to indicate the Catholic Church on the one hand and the Orthodox Church on the other, leading people to think that in fact the one Church of Christ does not exist, but may be re-established through the reconciliation of the two sister Churches.  In addition, the same expression has been applied improperly by some to the relationship between the Catholic Church on the one hand, and the Anglican Communion and non-Catholic ecclesial communities on the other.  In this sense, a “theology of sister Churches” or an “ecclesiology of sister Churches” is spoken of, characterized by ambiguity and discontinuity with respect to the correct original meaning of the expression as found in the documents of the Magisterium.

In order to overcome these equivocations and ambiguities in the use and application of the expression “sister Churches,” the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith has judged it necessary to prepare the enclosed Note on the Expression “Sister Churches” which was approved by Pope John Paul II in the Audience of June 9, 2000.  The indications contained in this Note are, therefore, to be held as authoritative and binding, although the Note will not be published in official form in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis, given its limited purpose of specifying the correct theological terminology on this subject.

In providing you with a copy of this document, the Congregation asks you to kindly communicate the concerns and specific indications expressed therein to your Conference of Bishops and especially to the Commission or Office entrusted with ecumenical dialogue, so that the publications and other texts of the Episcopal Conference and its various offices will carefully abide by what is established in the Note.

With gratitude for your assistance and with prayerful best wishes, I remain

Sincerely yours in Christ,

+Joseph Card. Ratzinger
Prefect

 

B. TEXT OF THE NOTE

 

1. The expression sister Churches occurs often in ecumenical dialogue, above all, in the dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox, and is the object of continuing study by both parties. While there is certainly a legitimate use of this expression, an ambiguous use has become prevalent in contemporary writings on ecumenism. In conformity with the teaching of the Second Vatican Council and the post-conciliar Papal Magisterium, it is therefore appropriate to recall the correct and proper use of this expression. It is helpful to begin with a brief historical outline.

I. The origin and development of the expression 

2. The expression sister Churches does not appear as such in the New Testament; however, there are numerous indications of the sisterly relations which existed among the local Churches of Christian antiquity. The New Testament passage which most explicitly reflects this awareness is the final sentence of the Second Letter of John: “The sons of your elect sister send you their greetings” (2 Jn 13). These are greetings sent by one ecclesial community to another; the community which sends the greetings calls itself the sister of the other.

3. In Christian literature, the expression begins to be used in the East when, from the fifth century, the idea of the Pentarchy gained ground, according to which there are five Patriarchs at the head of the Church, with the Church of Rome having the first place among these patriarchal sister Churches. In this connection, however, it needs to be noted that no Roman Pontiff ever recognized this equalization of the sees or accepted that only a primacy of honour be accorded to the See of Rome. It should be noted too that this patriarchal structure typical of the East never developed in the West.

As is well known, the divergences between Rome and Constantinople led, in later centuries, to mutual excommunications with “consequences which, as far as we can judge, went beyond what was intended and foreseen by their authors, whose censures concerned the persons mentioned and not the Churches, and who did not intend to break the ecclesial communion between the sees of Rome and Constantinople.” [1]

4. The expression appears again in two letters of the Metropolitan Nicetas of Nicodemia (in the year 1136) and the Patriarch John X Camaterus (in office from 1198 to 1206), in which they protested that Rome, by presenting herself as mother and teacher, would annul their authority. In their view, Rome is only the first among sisters of equal dignity.

5. In recent times, the Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople, Athenagoras I, was the first to once again use the expression sister Churches. In welcoming the fraternal gestures and the call to unity addressed to him by John XXIII, he often expressed in his letters the hope of seeing the unity between the sister Churches re-established in the near future.

6. The Second Vatican Council adopted the expression sister Churches to describe the relationship between particular Churches: “in the East there flourish many particular local Churches; among them the Patriarchal Churches hold first place, and of these, many glory in taking their origins from the apostles themselves. Therefore, there prevailed and still prevails among Eastern Christians an eager desire to perpetuate in a communion of faith and charity those family ties which ought to exist between local Churches, as between sisters.” [2]

7. The first papal document in which the term sisters is applied to the Churches is the Apostolic Brief Anno ineunte of Paul VI to the Patriarch Athenagoras I. After having indicated his willingness to do everything possible to “re-establish full communion between the Church of the West and that of the East,” the Pope asked: “Since this mystery of divine love is at work in every local Church, is not this the reason for the traditional expression ‘sister Churches,’ which the Churches of various places used for one another? For centuries our Churches lived in this way like sisters, celebrating together the ecumenical councils which defended the deposit of faith against all corruption. Now, after a long period of division and mutual misunderstanding, the Lord, in spite of the obstacles which arose between us in the past, gives us the possibility of rediscovering ourselves as sister Churches.” [3]

8. The expression has been used often by John Paul II in numerous addresses and documents; the principal ones, in chronological order, are the following.

In the Encyclical Slavorum Apostoli: “For us they [Cyril and Methodius] are the champions and also the patrons of the ecumenical endeavour of the sister Churches of East and West, for the rediscovery through prayer and dialogue of visible unity in perfect and total communion.” [4]

In a Letter from 1991 to the Bishops of Europe: “Hence, with these Churches [the Orthodox Churches] relations are to be fostered as between sister Churches, to use the expression of Pope Paul VI in his Brief to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Athenagoras I.” [5]

In the Encyclical Ut unum sint, the theme is developed above all in number 56 which begins in this way: “Following the Second Vatican Council and in the light of earlier tradition, it has again become usual to refer to the particular or local Churches gathered around their Bishop as ‘sister Churches.’ In addition, the lifting of the mutual excommunications, by eliminating a painful canonical and psychological obstacle, was a very significant step on the way toward full communion.” This section concludes by expressing the wish that the “traditional designation of “sister Churches” should ever accompany us along this path.” The topic is taken up again in number 60 of the Encyclical: “More recently, the joint international commission took a significant step forward with regard to the very sensitive question of the method to be followed in re-establishing full communion between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church, an issue which has frequently embittered relations between Catholics and Orthodox. The commission has laid the doctrinal foundations for a positive solution to this problem on the basis of the doctrine of sister Churches.” [6]

II. Directives on the use of the expression 

9. The historical references presented in the preceding paragraphs illustrate the significance which the expression sister Churches has assumed in the ecumenical dialogue. This makes the correct theological use of the term even more important.

10. In fact, in the proper sense, sister Churches are exclusively particular Churches (or groupings of particular Churches; for example, the Patriarchates or Metropolitan provinces) among themselves. [7] It must always be clear, when the expression sister Churches is used in this proper sense, that the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Universal Church is not sister but mother of all the particular Churches. [8]

11. One may also speak of sister Churches, in a proper sense, in reference to particular Catholic and non-catholic Churches; thus the particular Church of Rome can also be called the sister of all other particular Churches. However, as recalled above, one cannot properly say that the Catholic Church is the sister of a particular Church or group of Churches. This is not merely a question of terminology, but above all of respecting a basic truth of the Catholic faith: that of the unicity of the Church of Jesus Christ. In fact, there is but a single Church, [9] and therefore the plural term Churches can refer only to particular Churches.

Consequently, one should avoid, as a source of misunderstanding and theological confusion, the use of formulations such as “our two Churches,” which, if applied to the Catholic Church and the totality of Orthodox Churches (or a single Orthodox Church), imply a plurality not merely on the level of particular Churches, but also on the level of the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church confessed in the Creed, whose real existence is thus obscured.

12. Finally, it must also be borne in mind that the expression sister Churches in the proper sense, as attested by the common Tradition of East and West, may only be used for those ecclesial communities that have preserved a valid Episcopate and Eucharist.

Rome, from the Offices of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, June 30, 2000, the Solemnity of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.

 

Joseph Card. Ratzinger [future Pope Benedict XVI]
Prefect

Tarcisio Bertone, S.D.B.
Archbishop Emeritus of Vercelli
Secretary

 

NOTES

1. Paul VI and Athenagoras I, Joint Declaration Pénétrés de reconnaissance (7-12-65), 3: AAS 58 (1966), 20. The excommunications were mutually lifted in 1965: “Pope Paul VI and Patriarch Athenagoras I in his Synod...declare by mutual agreement...to regret and to remove from memory and from the midst of the Church the sentences of excommunication” (ibid.,4); cf. also Paul VI, Apostolic Letter Ambulate in dilectione (7-12-65): AAS 58 (1966), 40-41; Athenagoras I, Patriarchal Τόμoς (7-12-65): ΤΟΜΟΣ ΑΓΑΠΗΣVatican-Phanar (1958-1970), 129 (Vatican Polyglot Press: Rome-Istanbul, 1971), 290-294.

2. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree Unitatis redintegratio, 14.

3. Paul VI, Apostolic Brief Anno ineunte (25-7-67): AAS 59 (1967), 852, 853.

4. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Slavorum Apostoli (2-6-85), 27: AAS 77 (1985), 807.

5. John Paul II, Letter to the Bishops of Europe on Relations between Catholics and Orthodox in the New Situation in Central and Eastern Europe (31-5-91), 4: AAS 84 (1992), 167.

6. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Ut unum sint (25-5-95), 56 and 60: AAS 87 (1995), 954, 955, 957.

7. Cf. the texts of the Decree Unitatis redintegratio, 14, and the Apostolic Brief of Paul VI to Athenagoras I Anno ineunte, cited above in footnotes 2 and 3.

8. Cf. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Letter Communionis notio (28-5-1992), 9: AAS 85 (1993), 843-844.

9. Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution Lumen gentium, 8; Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Declaration Mysterium Ecclesiae (24-6-73), 1: AAS 65 (1973), 396-398.

 

Source: 

https://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_20000630_chiese-sorelle_en.html

 

Did Pope St. Stephen of Rome Excommunicate St. Cyprian of Carthage?

(From a series of published lectures by the prominent Anglican theologian Fr. Frederick William Puller [+1938], who demonstrated in the first millennium, communion with Rome was not a sine qua non for membership in the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church – a good reminder for those who wish to impose similar conditions for Orthodoxy through communion with Constantinople. Link to the complete work below. – Blog Admin.)

 

 

Some Roman Catholic writers have done their best to make out that Pope Stephen, in his dealings with S. Cyprian, never proceeded beyond threats of excommunication, and that no actual rupture took place. It is difficult to understand how such a view could ever have been seriously taken; but it is easy to see that Ultramontanes would naturally shrink from admitting that so illustrious a saint as Cyprian persisted in upholding the opinion concerning baptism which he had inherited from his predecessors, if the retaining of that opinion had resulted in his being separated from the communion of the Roman Church. If S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian were really excommunicated, and if they nevertheless refused to alter either the teaching or the practice condemned by Rome, then it is clear that neither of these saints nor their colleagues in Africa and Asia Minor could have considered that communion with the pope was an essential matter. It would follow from this conclusion that their witness would have to be reckoned as adverse to the truth of the Ultramontane theory concerning the papacy. Having thus pointed out the importance of the question, I proceed to discuss it.

I have quoted in my second lecture the clear statements of S. Firmilian on the subject of the excommunication, but it will be worth while to repeat them in this place. Writing to S. Cyprian, after mentioning the fact that there had been in various matters a diversity of practice in the different provinces of the Church, he says, “And yet there has not been on that account at any time any departure from the peace and unity of the Catholic Church. This, Stephen has now dared to make, breaking the peace with you [Cyprian], which his predecessors ever maintained with you in mutual affection and respect.” [1] And further on in the same letter S. Firmilian apostrophizes Stephen, and says, “How great a sin hast thou heaped up against thyself, when thou didst cut thyself off from so many flocks! For thou didst cut thyself off. Deceive not thyself. For he is truly the schismatic who has made himself an apostate from the communion of the unity of the Church. For while thou thinkest that all may be excommunicated by thee, thou hast excommunicated thyself alone from all.” [2] Then he goes into particulars about the way in which Stephen had treated the bishops sent to Rome as envoys or legates by the synod of the North African Church; how Stephen “would not admit them even to the common intercourse of a conference,” and how “he commanded the whole brotherhood that no one should receive them into his house; so that not only peace and communion, but shelter and hospitality, were denied them on their arrival.” [3] Yet in the face of all this, Dr. Rivington says, “There is no evidence that S. Cyprian was ever under excommunication.” [4] It seems incredible that such a statement should be made. Evidence there clearly is, and more of the same kind might have been quoted. Later on Dr. Rivington reveals to us the theory by which he gets rid of the plain evidence of S. Firmilian. He says that, as the sentence, in which the statement concerning S. Cyprian’s excommunication occurs, “contains a most exaggerated account of the situation, we may feel ourselves at liberty to regard this statement also as exaggerated.” [5] Apparently Dr. Rivington bases his accusation of exaggeration on the words in S. Firmilian’s letter to S. Cyprian, in which the holy Bishop of Caesarea, rhetorically addressing Stephen, says, “While thou thinkest that all may be excommunicated by thee, thou hast excommunicated thyself alone from all.” Concerning this sentence Dr. Rivington says, “Firmilian’s assertion was, indeed, flagrantly false, for it is notorious that Stephen did not stand alone.” [6] Assuredly Dr. Rivington’s comment is a much more serious exaggeration than is the Saint’s very innocent remark. Obviously S. Firmilian writes with the assurance that his correspondent, S. Cyprian, who knew all the facts, would interpret his words in a reasonable way. By the words “omnes” and “omnibus” S. Firmilian does not mean all the churches of Christendom, but all those many flocks (tot greges), probably a majority of all the Catholic churches then in existence, [7] which had been excommunicated by Stephen. From all these flocks Stephen had cut himself off by an excommunication, which was apparently not the outcome of a synod, but his own personal act. We have no reason to suppose that any other bishops had approved his proceeding or had made themselves parties to it. We know that S. Denys of Alexandria, who agreed with him in regard to the main point in dispute, strongly disapproved of his harsh method of enforcing the view which they held in common. [8] But even if, for the sake of argument, it were conceded that the use of the words “omnes” and “solum” was a serious exaggeration, it would not follow that one could rightly treat as an exaggeration S. Firmilian’s repeated statement that a breach of communion really took place, corroborated as that statement is by the details given in regard to the treatment of the legates, details which Firmilian must have learnt from S. Cyprian, and still further corroborated, as we shall see in the sequel, by the words of S. Denys, and by the share which S. Cyprian must have had in the translation and publication of S. Firmilian’s letter. Anyhow, it is absurd to say that “there is no evidence that he [Stephen] ever proceeded to execute his threat.” I am aware that other Roman Catholic writers have taken the same line as Dr. Rivington. The fact is that they are driven into a corner, and that the simplest way of escape is to deny the truth of the evidence, however well attested it may be. But, in justice to our brethren of the Roman communion, it must not be supposed that their best writers follow such a hopeless course. Such a course would be impossible to a historian like Tillemont; but I prefer to quote an authority from the south side of the Alps. I know of no greater name among Ultramontane historians of the last century than that of Archbishop Mansi of Lucca, best known by his great edition of the Councils. [9] Mansi, in his animadversion on Natalis Alexander’s dissertation concerning the subject which we are discussing, says, “So openly does Firmilian write to S. Cyprian that Pope Stephen broke the peace, and that he accordingly deprived them of his communion, that it seems that it cannot be doubted that he went beyond threats and at length pronounced sentence of excommunication against them.” Mansi proceeds to quote S. Firmilian’s words, and to show that they are decisive in favour of his position. Then he adds, “But the answer of Natalis appears to be altogether futile. He says that Firmilian has described a mere threat of excommunication in the same terms as if it had really been fulminated, because he took up his pen when he was somewhat angry with Stephen. I say again that such an answer appears to me to be altogether futile, because it would necessarily follow that Firmilian had forgotten all the rules of Christian behaviour and of honesty, if, in order that he might excite odium against Stephen, he had lied in so serious a matter. [10] . . . And who, I ask, could conceive that, if Stephen had done no more than threaten, Firmilian would have compared him to the traitor Judas, and would have charged him with insolence, wickedness, and folly? Assuredly these are the words of one who is impatiently bearing a wound which he has received, and who is kindled with wrath against the man who has inflicted on him a deadly wound. . . . It is clear that Stephen broke the peace and refused communion, because he did not refrain from excommunicating Firmilian, Cyprian, and the others.” [11] Mansi goes on to quote the letter of S. Denys of Alexandria to Pope S. Xystus II., a fragment of which has been preserved by Eusebius. In that letter S. Denys, speaking of Stephen, says, “Indeed, he had previously (πρότερον) written concerning Helenus [of Tarsus] and concerning Firmilian, and concerning all [the bishops] of Cilicia and Cappadocia and Galatia, and of all the neighbouring nations, saying that he would not communicate with them either (ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκείνοις κοινωνήσων), for this same cause, namely, that they rebaptize heretics.” [12] S. Denys, in his letter, so far as it has been preserved to us, deals entirely with Stephen’s relations with the Eastern bishops, and says nothing of his relations with the Church of North Africa; [13] but Mansi points out that if the pope excommunicated the Easterns he must have excommunicated also the Africans, since the latter entirely agreed with the former in their teaching and practice. [14] Thus the witness of S. Denys corroborates the witness of S. Firmilian and of S. Cyprian. Here we have a threefold cord, which will not easily be broken by any amount of a priori Ultramontane reasoning.

When it is once admitted that three contemporary writers of such high character, and of such esteem in the Church, as the three saints mentioned above, agree in their witness that an excommunication was not merely threatened but also pronounced and promulgated, [15] and when it is also admitted that there is no shred of contemporary evidence on the other side, the discussion might fairly be brought to an end; but Natalis Alexander and others lay stress on the fact that S. Augustine, writing a century and a half later, seems to have thought that the estrangement between Rome and Carthage never amounted to a breach of communion. [16] It is true that Tillemont does not so understand S. Augustine. He thinks that S. Augustine admits that the pope withdrew his communion from S. Cyprian, but he supposes that S. Augustine holds that, as S. Cyprian did not retort on the pope by a counter-excommunication, but remained united to him by the bond of charity, the breach was not complete. [17] Out of respect for the great name of S. Augustine, I will consider whether his view of the matter can really avail to counterbalance the evidence of the three contemporary saints, whose witness has been discussed above; and for the sake of conciseness I will take no account of Tillemont’s explanation of S. Augustine’s meaning, and I will assume that the latter really supposed that Stephen never withdrew his communion from S. Cyprian and from the other African bishops.

On that view of the case, I have no hesitation in saying that S. Augustine’s representation of the matter cannot possibly avail to counterbalance the direct testimony of S. Firmilian and S. Cyprian, confirmed as it is by the corroborative evidence of S. Denys; for there is every reason to believe that S. Augustine had not got the full evidence before him. The contemporary evidence of the excommunication of S. Cyprian, which has come down to us, is primarily contained in S. Firmilian’s letter, which evidently re-echoed S. Cyprian’s own dispatches, and for the translation and publication of which S. Cyprian was responsible. But that letter was not in the collection of the Cyprianic correspondence on the subject of the rebaptizing of heretics, which was in the hands of S. Augustine. The collecting of S. Cyprian’s letters was a work of time. We now possess seven letters, either written by or to S. Cyprian on the question of rebaptism; but S. Augustine had only five of these in his collection. In his controversy with the Donatists he was obliged to go most minutely into the arguments about baptism contained in the Cyprianic documents. He discusses them clause by clause. [18] He actually takes the trouble to reply separately to each of the eighty-six speeches made by the eighty-five bishops who sat in the great Council of Carthage, [19] over which Cyprian presided, and which was the last of the Cyprianic councils on rebaptism. [20] So it comes to pass that we know exactly what documents S. Augustine possessed, and what were missing; and we find that he never refers either to the synodical letter [21] written to Stephen by S. Cyprian in the name of the second of the three councils on rebaptism, or to the letter [22] addressed to S. Cyprian by S. Firmilian. [23] S. Augustine was quite aware that documents existed bearing on the controversy about baptism in the time of S. Cyprian, which had not come into his hands. He says in one place, “Not all the things which were transacted among the bishops at that time were committed to memory and to writing, and not all the things which were so committed have come to my knowledge.” [24] It is clear from all this that the whole evidence, as we now possess it, was not before S. Augustine; and in point of fact the last of the Cyprianic documents of which he had knowledge was the summarized report of the proceedings at the final council on rebaptism. But that council preceded the excommunication; [25] and it is therefore no matter for wonder that S. Augustine was unaware of the fact that a complete rupture finally took place. To put the whole matter briefly. The principal evidence for the excommunication is to be found in S. Firmilian’s letter. That letter was not known to S. Augustine. It is perfectly clear from that letter that both S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian were excommunicated. We thus know of their excommunication from themselves. It seems unreasonable to set aside the best possible contemporary evidence in deference to certain dicta of S. Augustine, who lived a century and a half later, and had never seen the document which constitutes the principal proof. It is plain that the objections raised by Natalis Alexander have no real solidity. I submit that the excommunication of S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian and their colleagues by Pope Stephen must be accepted as historically true. [26]

 

NOTES (numbering combined)

1. Ep. S. Firmil., inter Cyprianicas lxxv., § 6, Opp., ii. 813.

2. Ep. cit., § 24, p. 825.

3. Ibid., § 25, p. 826.

4. Authority, p. 103, 2nd ed.

5. Ibid., p. 105.                                      

6. Loc. cit.

7. See Additional Note 34, p. 460.

8. See p. 70, n. 5.

9. The Jesuit professor of theology in the university of Innsbruck, Father Hurter, in his useful Nomenclator Literarius (iii. 101), speaking of Mansi, says, “De illo jam agemus, qui totâ hâc epochâ omnium fuit celeberrimus deque Ecclesiâ atque re literariâ optime meritus.”

10. “In re tam gravi mentitus esset.”

11. Animadvers. in Dissert. xii. Art. i., ap. Natal. Alexandr. Hist. Eccl., ed. 1786, Bing. ad Rhenum, tom. vi. pp. 222, 223.

12. Euseb. H. E., vii. 5. I have appended the original Greek of S. Denys’ summary of the operative part of Stephen’s letter, the English translation of which is italicized in the text. Mansi rightly translates these words as follows: “quod neque cum illis communicare vellet;” and Baronius renders the passage in the same way. I mention this, because De Valois has seriously altered the sense by translating S. Denys’ words thus: “sese ab illorum communione discessurum.” There is a difference between announcing that in the future you will not communicate with certain people, and announcing that in the future you will separate from their communion. The first formula implies that separation has already been effected, or is being effected by the document in which the formula occurs. The second formula threatens a separation in the future. S. Denys represents Stephen as having effected the separation, and not as having merely threatened it. See Additional Note 35, p. 462.

13. See Additional Note 36, p. 462.

14. On this point Natalis Alexander would have agreed with Mansi. His words are express: “Una erat causa Firmiliani et Cypriani; . . . non est igitur verisimile quod Firmilianum communione privaverit Stephanus cum Orientalibus suis, et Cyprianum cum Africanis pace et communione frui permiserit” (Hist. Eccl., ed. 1786, tom. vi. p. 218).

15. The objection might be raised that, if Eusebius had supposed that Stephen had actually excommunicated the Easterns, he would have given an exact account of how the breach was healed. If Eusebius had lived some centuries later, when a papal excommunication was the direst thing that could happen to any Christian community, he would no doubt have done so; but Eusebius would not think of the matter quite in that light. In H. E., v. 24, he gives an account of the excommunication of the Asians by Pope Victor, and he describes S. Irenaeus’ mediation, as here he describes S. Denys’ peace-making efforts, but neither there does he make mention of the close of the dispute.

16. Cf. S. Aug., De Baptismo contra Donat., v. 25, Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 158, et De unic. Bapt. contra Petil., cap. xiv., Opp., ix. 538.

17. Tillemont, iv. 150, 151.

18. S. Aug., De Baptismo contra Donatistas, libb. ii., iii., iv., v.

19. S. Cyprian, as president, made two speeches, the first and the last.

20. Op. cit., libb. vi., vii.

21. S. Cypr. Ep. lxxii., Opp., ii. 775.

22. Ep. inter Cyprianicas lxxv., Opp., ii. 812.

23. S. Augustine’s words, in his refutation of the speech of Crescens of Cirta (De Bapt. contra Donat., vi. 15, Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 171), show clearly that S. Cyprian’s synodical letter to Stephen, which had been known to Crescens, was not known to him. Compare Mr. C. H. Turner’s Note appended to Dr. Sanday’s Essay on the Cheltenham List (Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, iii. 324, 325). In his third book against Cresconius (Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 435), S. Augustine implies that Cresconius had referred to “the letter of certain Orientals,” as witnessing to their approval of S. Cyprian’s doctrine about rebaptism. He quotes in the second chapter some words from Cresconius, which seem to me to imply that this letter was a synodical epistle expressing the formal assent of some Eastern synod to the conclusions of the third Carthaginian Council on rebaptism. I doubt if S. Augustine had seen the letter; and the fact that it was written, not by one man, but by several, seems to me to be a proof positive that it was not the letter of S. Firmilian, with which we are acquainted. Tillemont (iv. 158) gives further reasons for concluding that S. Augustine had never seen S. Firmilian’s letter to S. Cyprian.

24. De Bapt. contr. Donat., ii. 4, Opp., ix. 98.

25. Tillemont, iv. 155; and compare the Acta SS., tom. iv. Septembr., pp. 305, 306, where Father Suyskens, S.J., the author of the Bollandist Life of S. Cyprian, replies to Dom Maran’s arguments, and shows that the African legates, who were rejected by Stephen, were sent by the third council on rebaptism, and not by the second. Professor Jungmann (Dissertationes Selectae in Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 331) takes the same view as Suyskens; and Hefele, who in his first edition had followed Maran, changed his mind, and in his second edition supports the view which I have taken in the text (see Hefele, vol. v. p. 434, Eng. trans.). See also the Additional Note 37, p. 463.

26. See Additional Note 38, p. 463.

 

Source: The Primitive Saints and the See of Rome, by F. W. Puller, SSJE (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1900), Appendix A (“The Excommunication of S. Cyprian”) to Lecture II, pp. 72-77.

Online: https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/007372419

War as Permitted by God, a Scourge, and a Remedy

Chorbishop Naum of Hvostan and Barajevo | September 5, 2026 | Gučevo, Serbia   In the following piece, we present the address delivered ...