Monday, March 30, 2026

The Importance of the Orthodox Ethos and Religious Tolerance in the Face of the Threat of Political Ecumenism to Orthodox Self-Identity

by Bishop Auxentios of Photiki [now of Etna and Portland]

Source: Orthodox Tradition, Vol. XVIII (2001), No. 3, pp. 18-26.

 

 

Most Reverend Bishop Photii, Archbishop Chrysostomos, distinguished clergy, our eminent lay speaker for the day, Dr. Miller, beloved pilgrims, fellow Christians, and much-loved brothers and sisters of the true-believing Bulgarian flock:

The title of my humble talk, today, is “The Importance of the Orthodox Ethos and Religious Tolerance in the Face of the Threat of Political Ecumenism to Orthodox Identity."

I ask for your forgiveness and patience at the outset: that you will forgive my few superficial words and that you will forgive me for forcing you to endure these words. Through the prayers of all of you, perhaps, I will have something to say that may benefit us and inspire us in our struggle for the whole of the Orthodox Church.

We “Old Calendarists" are not, as all of you know, the worshippers of a calendar. We use the change in the Church's festal calendar—which was indisputably first ushered in to serve the ecumenical movement and, as the infamous encyclical issued by the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1920 so boldly put it, to make the common celebration of Christian feasts a first move towards the union of all Christians “beyond the boundaries" of differences in faith and doctrine—as a sacred banner in our warfare against the kind of religious syncretism which equates the historical Church, the Holy, Catholic, Apostolic, and Orthodox Church, with those heretical and wrong-believing bodies which have, over the centuries, separated from what our forefathers knew to be the Church established by our Lord, sealed as it was by the blood of the Martyrs and codified and expressed in the writings of the Fathers and the conscience of the Royal Priesthood of the People of God. Our struggle is against a direct and unrelenting assault against our Orthodox self-identity, our awareness that, however unworthily, we contain, preserve, and continue the very Church of Christ.

Our struggle, then, is not a struggle for a mere calendar of sacred events or a struggle against the so-called canonical or official Churches. Our struggle is to preserve those Holy Traditions (only one of which is the Church’s Festal Calendar) from which canonicity and officialdom arise. (And let me emphasize, here, something which Orthodox theologians unwisely ignore today; that is, that the spiritual authenticity of the traditional precepts, customs, practices, and teachings of the Church is the source of canonicity and officialdom and that canonicity and officialdom are not the source of spiritual authenticity). Spirit-bearing Church Fathers and the Faithful whom they serve and who in fact give them their administrative authority form that Gestalt which is the mystical union of Christ in Heaven with the Church on earth, the Faithful with their Shepherds, the local with the universal, and the transcendent with the temporal. Our struggle, within and for the Universal Church, is to preserve this integrated wholeness, joined in Grace and love, that is the core of Orthodoxy, the true Body of Christ.

Drawn to love in love, we are naturally zealous in our desire to preserve in full purity the Body of Christ, the True Church, the martyric Church of Orthodox Christians, protecting Her against every adulteration. What, then, can we feel, except revulsion and great sadness, when our Church leaders betray the uniqueness of Orthodoxy? The Patriarch of Constantinople has described the Orthodox Church as one lung, along with Papism, of the One Church of Christ. Other Bishops have signed ecumenical documents which attribute to the notion of the “True Church’’ such epithets as “medievalism,’’ narrowmindedness, ignorance, and intolerance. Adulterating the purity of Orthodoxy with that which rejects her and her Savior, interfaith ecumenism has called us to see all religions in the light of Christianity, even if they do not confess Christ or, like those of the Jewish and Moslem religions, actually formally reject any idea of His centrality to universal salvation.

Reacting to an anti-ecumenical spirit of late, a number of Orthodox Churches have, admittedly, withdrawn from the world of religious syncretism that is the World Council of Churches, an organization that hopes to bring all of the religions of the world—religions, along with Orthodoxy, that it considers merely human and possessed only of partial truth—into union, so as to form a Super Church that draws all of the relative truths of every world religion into a composite truth. (Parenthetically, we should note that, by bringing all of these religions together, the World Council of Churches may, rather than combine all of the partial truths that they supposedly contain, combine all of the falsehoods that they embrace, thus creating a Super Church that reflects all evil.) This move by some Orthodox away from the World Council of Churches, however, has been the cause of even greater pain for us anti-ecumenical traditionalists. For, at the same time that these Churches and their leaders have reacted to the demands of the Faithful that irresponsible ecumenical activities come to a halt, they have, with a derisive wink of the ecclesiastical eye, turned to the ecumenists, assuring them that as soon as the “ignorances” of the people have been addressed, they will return to the world of religious syncretism.

Betrayal and condescending arrogance on the part of the Orthodox ecumenists is sad enough. But they have even fallen to self-contradicting hypocrisy by condemning us anti-ecumenists—who have walled ourselves off from them in the style of the Cappadocian Fathers, the Studite Fathers, and the anti-unionists of the Byzantine Middles Ages, during whose time political unions were forged, under imperial pressure, with the Latins—as uncanonical, heretical, and outside the Church. Not only would we remind these ecumenical voices, again, that what they are doing violates the Canons, exposes them to the charge of religious syncretism, and removes them from the Patristic consensus, but we would also note, with astonishment, that they condemn themselves as virtual hypocrites for embracing ecumenism. After all, ecumenism disallows words like “heretic” and preaches that no Church is official or true. It is hardly seemly for the ecumenists to condemn us, their brothers, as heretics for upholding what the Fathers teach, even if we do chastise them for their error and have walled ourselves off from the illness that besets them. How, indeed, if no Church has the truth, can the ecumenists declare us to be outside the Church? And how can they in good conscience open dialogues with Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and Moslems, while they hate, revile, and condemn us? And if they would cite the extremists who preach hatred in the name of Orthodox traditionalism—and, as in any resistance movement, there are always those who deviate from moderation—, we would ask them to talk to us and not to those whose immoderation we criticize ourselves. Moreover, it is not we who created extremist resisters, but the very individuals, the ecumenists, who made resistance necessary in the first place.

When I was a doctoral student at the Graduate Theological Union at Berkeley, a liberal institution which reflects the attitudes of the famous University of California at Berkeley, with which it issues joint graduate degrees, one of my professors—an internationally-known expert in liturgical theology and, though a Roman Catholic, a man of conscience and Christian uprightness—asked me why I did not follow the school’s liberal ecumenical policies. He said, “After all, the greatest scandal of Christianity is that Christians are separated from one another.” I agreed with this. It is a scandal. But it is not the primary scandal of Christianity. The primary scandal of Christianity, as Archbishop Chrysostomos consistently says, is that we Christians are separated from God. And when that separation is corrected, as it is through Jesus Christ and His One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, the Orthodox Church of our Fathers, then the separation among Christians will come to an end. If heresy has divided us, a return to Orthodoxy can unite us. This was the ecumenism of the Fathers, the ecumenism which we embrace, and the ecumenism which, indeed, renders the political ecumenism of the contemporary Orthodox ecumenists—who are seeking worldly recognition, political gain, secular power, and all of the perquisites which accompany these things—something worthy of our revulsion, something worthy of our condemnation, and which demands that we wall ourselves off from those who are infected by this spiritual disease, so that we, too, weak as we are, do not become infected and ill; and so that we, who unworthily but boldly stand up against the force that has made our brothers blind, may help them to regain their vision, to overcome that bacterium of religious syncretism that, in the name of political ecumenism, false love, and the absolute relativism of religious syncretism has made them blind, spiritually feeble, and susceptible to the temptations of the world.

In our struggle for the preservation of the pristine identity of Orthodoxy, constituting, as we do, a minority within the Church, we are beset, as imperfect humans, by all of those things which threaten a minority. If the Holy Spirit gives us strength beyond our numbers and personal abilities, and if, to paraphrase one of the great Confessors of the Church, we are, by virtue of preaching the Truth, a majority in our minority status, we are nonetheless prone to the temptations of human frailty. Psychologically, resistance movements traditionally run the risk of becoming, not, as they should be, a body of healthy believers within an ailing greater body, but a body unto themselves, imagining themselves to be the very thing which they are, through resistance, trying to bring back to health. This has happened in today’s traditionalist movement, where many Old Calendarists have begun to think that they are the Church and not a resisting part of the Church. They run a risk like that of some of the Iconodules, who, after the restoration of the Icons, refused to relinquish their status as a resisting body, forgetting that they were part of the greater body of the Church, and were of necessity chastised and punished by the Church for this unwisely zealous blindness to the unity of the Church.

We also, as a minority, face the danger of retreating into our resistance movement as though it were a unique and separate refuge. Even if we do not fall to believing that we constitute the whole Church, in which we are but the confessing pleroma, to use an expression of St. Theodore the Studite, we can easily come to think that, having walled ourselves off from error, we are immune to error. This very thought, this very illusion of immunity, can lead us to the most dangerous of all sins, that of pride. And therein, we lose ourselves and our movement and betray our sacred responsibility towards the Church. This attitude of proud retreat and an almost paranoiac turning-in on ourselves can also foster unhealthy apocalypticism. Because of the influence of Protestant thought, the Orthodox Church is riddled with a fundamentalistic view of the end of the world. Even holy people have been innocently misled into personal theological opinions in this area that breed an almost pathological fear of the world and thus impede that joyous activity of spreading the Faith that occurs even in the most dire of circumstances. In the resistance movement, this apocalyptic extremism can lead one to reinforce the idea that the catholic nature of the Church has come to an end, that there is no hope for Church union, and that dialogue and exchanges will lead nowhere. This is a dangerous and deadly temptation that we must avoid at all costs, since the Christian lives in the “eschatological now,’’ in the renewed world that shines through the darkness of the realm of sin and which has already, in some ways, overcome the fruitless efforts and reign of Antichrist. This is not to say that we must not prepare for the reign of evil; but we must prepare by positive actions and by hope that, even when the end seems near, our repentance will move God and that the world will have yet more time to come to Him and to be transformed.

In referring to these dangers that face us, I mean simply to place our resistance in a sure context, exhorting all of you, and of course myself, to avoid all folly, all demonic distractions, however spiritually lofty they may seem to be, and everything that draws us away from the sacred task of maintaining our spiritual health for the sake of calling back our erring brothers to the fullness of the Faith. This task demands hope, and we must not be deterred by hopelessness, by turning in on ourselves, and by forgetting that we are called by God to work as the small flock within the greater Body of Christ.

In mentioning these dangers, now, I do not mean to suggest that we should not be vigilant and wise. Just as it would be foolish to view the present trend towards anti-ecumenism in the so-called official Churches without skepticism and an acutely critical eye, as I noted above, so we are equally foolish if we think that, after a century of the intense erosion of their Orthodox identity by political ecumenism, the Orthodox ecumenists and the so-called “official’’ Churches will regain their Orthodoxy in a single decade. Nor should we imagine that the fall of Communism, which was but one manifestation (and a political one at that) of the erosion of our Orthodox identity (let us not forget that Communism ravaged nearly the whole of the Orthodox world during the last century), has suddenly brought the national Orthodox Churches of Eastern Europe to good health. Communism befell Churches that had in many ways failed in their witness long before Marxism came forth; Communism was a punishment for sin, as our more honest and enlightened Church leaders aver. That those innocent of sin also suffered under the Communist yoke is one of the tragedies of a fallen world. But what Communism did to the spirit of the Church and her Bishops is not something that will disappear quickly either. We must, in avoiding the dangers of the right—that is, the danger of believing that our resistance movement is somehow the Church itself—, never succumb to those of the left, imagining that somehow, with the fall of Communism, all of the evil of that system, as well as the evil which spawned it, has disappeared. We must walk a middle path between these two dangers.

Now, this middle path, to bring my words into their final focus, is the very ethos of Orthodoxy, the “Royal Path’’ of the Fathers. And it is on this path, within this ethos, that we discover the one guiding light that must never wane, if we are to carry out our resistance against the attack on our Orthodox identity by political ecumenism. We must keep this beacon forever bright and see that it never dims. That beacon shines with the light of tolerance. Never, in protecting the Orthodox Faith and our Orthodox identity, above and beyond the dangers of a personal kind that I have identified, must we violate the tolerant ethos of Orthodoxy. If heretics are separated from the truth, it is our duty—our sacred duty—to treat them with kindness and love. St. Maximos the Confessor, in expressing absolute disdain for heresy and those things which defile our Faith, nonetheless dismisses as abhorrent any harm directed against heretics themselves. He clearly separates the heresy from the heretics. Our Orthodox identity and the ethos of the Faith, which is immersed in love, are intimately bound together. And in this union, there is not a single instance in which intolerance, condemnation, and the dismissal of the worth of any human being is possible. If we condemn beliefs that threaten us, we do not condemn those who adhere to those beliefs. Satan is the source of evil doctrine, and we condemn him and his minions and the poison that they spread. But those who are poisoned by Satan are not his; they are, rather, creatures of God, suffering from the deadly, soul-destroying jealousy of the Evil One.

In our struggle against ecumenism, while we should—indeed, must—condemn this assault against the self-identity of the Orthodox Christian and against the essence of the Orthodox Church itself, we must not condemn those who have fallen, either out of naivete or even because of sinful, worldly inclinations, to its lure. Rather, we must show a spirit of tolerance, such that the ecumenists do not, in their folly, imagine that we, who uphold the uniqueness of the Orthodox Church, do so with a spirit of intolerance towards other Christians or even those of different religions. After all, our outrage at the religious syncretism that accompanies contemporary ecumenism is not simply a matter of the denigration of something which we love; it is more than this. Our outrage rises out of the great sadness that befalls us when we see the criterion of Christianity, the sole answer to man’s dilemmas, auctioned off in the market of ecumenism, as though it had no value, and thus also see those who are suffering in darkness and delusion denied the sure cure for human ills that is contained within the Church of the God-Man, the Orthodox Church, the pleroma of which is united to Christ and thus restored and made new. It is the loss of potential and the denial of salvation to our fellow men that must most outrage us about ecumenism, for in being upset by these things, we are acting out of love. And when we act out of love, we act in God, Who is love.

As outrageous as the betrayals and at times hokey and simplistic platitudes of the ecumenists may be, we should not ridicule them. We should not individually and unilaterally condemn them as heretics. We should not rage and pontificate against them. In so doing, we deviate from the Royal Path, from the behaviors and ethos of the Fathers, opening up ourselves to accusations of intolerance. Nor, despite the excesses and the outright hypocrisy of political ecumenism, should we lose hope for those in the grips of its force. We must work sedulously and untiringly to see that they come to their senses. In the case of those who are misled by the false “goodness” and hypocritical love of ecumenism, as well as by its absolutist and totalitarian relativism, we must show patience, guiding them slowly and gently into an understanding of what it is that has overtaken their reason. Those who are agents of political ecumenism, who have gained from their association with it, and who hypocritically seek the world through its pseudo-religious precept—these, too, we must approach with love. We must answer their insults and slander against us anti-ecumenists, but understand, in answering them, that they are defending a sickness that has blinded them in soul and mind. Thus, while our medicine, the true teachings of the Church, may sting them, it must be applied with care, attention, and calm, soothing support, just as a physician would apply iodine to a wound: telling the patient that it will burn, helping him to endure the pain, and assuring him that the result of the application of this unpleasant agent will be the cure of an insidious infection and the eradication of the bacteria which cause it. In the words of St. John Chrysostomos, we must not “inflict wounds” but “heal them.”

If we should fail in this world to win over those who have been infected by heresy, let us then remain tolerant and loving into the next world, hoping that, if we cannot be reconciled with them here on earth, somehow by God’s mercy we will be reconciled in the other world. We must pray for those who die in heresy or under its influence. We must maintain hope for them. And even when, because they will not recant, those deadened by heresy have been condemned by the Church and cannot be the object of our public prayer, let us in our private prayers pray for them and hope for their return to God. In this vein, let us remember that the Fathers of the Third (Ecumenical Synod, when they condemned the accursed heresy of Nestorios, about whom we hear such strong statements and condemnations, nonetheless, at a personal level, did so while “shedding tears’’! Heed this phrase each time that you hear eloquent condemnations of “Nestorios the heretic’’; for this phrase reveals to us the context in which such condemnations must be placed. It tells us of the ethos of Orthodoxy: toleration that, even when it can longer endure heresy, acts strongly while “shedding tears.’’

When the world was left in darkness and the majority of humankind did not know the true God, what did God do? Did He condemn man? Did He revile those who reviled Him? No. Unable to bring mankind back to Himself, having chastised men and women— cajoling them with calamity and loving wrath—with no success, God became man, so as to lead mankind back to his lost Paradise. This He did in love, providing for our example His Only-Begotten Son, the Eternal God before the Ages. In this act, God teaches us how to reach out to those who do not know Christ and who reject Him. We must never treat them with intolerance. We must never despise them. Rather, we must pity them and show them love, even when we criticize them. St. John Chrysostomos, in referring to the Jews, for example, calls them “wretched.’’ But he does not do this because he hates them, or in a spirit of retaliation for their rejection of Christ. He does so out of pity for the wretched state in which they find themselves, bereft of God and reaping the evil benefits of having Crucified the very One Who came to redeem them. We must follow this path, pitying and decrying the wretched state of those who do not know and who reject Christ, but doing so out of love and from Christian hearts wounded by the departure of God’s own creatures from the path that He set out for them. We must never show intolerance for anyone, even if we revile the hateful doctrines and beliefs that may have separated men from God and made them, however tragically, enemies of God. To see them as anything but brothers and sisters is to insult and betray God Himself. As the Divine Chrysostomos tells us, we “converse with them gently; for nothing is stronger than gentleness and mildness.’’

Finally, the Orthodox ethos, which is rooted in tolerance, is fragile. When we violate it, and especially in the name of resistance to ecumenism, we bring down the wrath of God and the condemnation of our fellow man on ourselves. First, God, as I have said, does not countenance our usurpation of His chastising love, since our chastisement, imperfect as we are, more often than not lies in hatred and personal resentment, in ethnic prejudice and learned bigotry, and in corrupt souls. We are not capable of loving fire, which burns yet does not consume. Second, if we oppose ecumenism because it wishes to bring all men into unity with God and to foster toleration and kindness between people, or to end war and poverty where possible, then we oppose Christianity. We do not oppose these things. Rather, we affirm and teach that none of them is possible without Christ. That is our witness and our message. Nor can the political ecumenists obtain these goals by sacrificing Orthodoxy on the altar of the social Gospel. Nonetheless, the goals remain sacred. In an imperfect world, we may not attain them; but in an imperfect world, the role of the Christian is to hold them up as the ideal. It is we traditionalists who must champion toleration and love, never allowing our opposition to the fruitless and merely human efforts to attain them to take on the hue of intolerance or opposition to such high goals. Never!

In short, we must live the dogmas of the Church in love. If they should not be bartered in the ecumenical circles of religious syncretism, they also must not become dead, formal, external statements by which we elevate ourselves and denigrate those who disagree with us. Our dogmas are made in love, within the ethos of tolerance, and through the age-old passivity that derives from that love and which represents the spirit of the Fathers even in their most rash moments. Let me close my remarks with a statement by the great Greek miracle-worker of our age, St. Nektarios of Aegina, whose irenic writings are too often ignored and whose witness, though often misrepresented, evidences a truly Patristic spirit that should guide us in our resistance to ecumenism, religious syncretism, and Orthodox apostasy:

“Dogmatic differences, reduced to an issue of faith, leave the matter of love free and unchallenged; dogma does not set itself against love.... Christian love is constant, and for this reason the deformed faith of the heterodox cannot change our feelings of love towards them.... Issues of faith must in no way diminish the feeling of love.’’ I leave you, then, with an exhortation to embrace the quintessential tool of resistance: that tolerant spirit that rises out of love.

 

A Crisis in Contemporary Orthodox Ecclesial Self-Awareness: Is Any Notion of “External Correctness” Allowable in Orthodoxy?

by Bishop [Metropolitan] Photii of Triaditza

Former Assistant Professor of Classics, University of Sofia, Bulgaria

Source: Orthodox Tradition, Vol. XVIII (2001), No. 3, pp. 2-10.

 

 

Your Eminence, Your Grace, Reverend Fathers, Pious Monks and Nuns, Beloved Brothers and Sisters in the Lord, Dear Guests:

His Eminence, Archbishop Chrysostomos of Etna has bestowed on me the great honor of opening the annual Clergy Conference of the American Exarchate of the Holy Synod in Resistance of the True (Old Calendar) Orthodox Church of Greece. The fact that this conference is taking place here in Bulgaria, under the vaults of our cathedral and thousands of miles away from the home of its participants, is itself a moving testimony to the catholicity of Holy Orthodoxy, which, in its supra-national and meta-historical catholic fullness, unites, through Christian truth and the love of Christ, people of different nationalities and cultures. Moreover, our spiritual communion, here and now, is a living expression of this fullness, a positive contrast to a phenomenon which, to some degree, touches all of us and which I shall essay to address in my talk before this audience today; that is, the crisis posed for our contemporary Orthodox ecclesial consciousness by the idea of a criterion of “external correctness" in the Church. Begging your prayers and gracious condescension, I trust that the joy of our communion, as well as our common love of suffering Orthodoxy, will assuage the bitter fare poured out upon human souls by the enemy of our salvation, ever inflicting new wounds on the brutally crucified Body of Christ's Bride, the very Church of God, against which, nonetheless, the gates of hell shall not prevail (St. Matthew 16:18).

I. The crisis in Orthodox ecclesial self-awareness today is obvious. Likewise obvious are various of its manifestations, which can be observed and described. But to comprehend this crisis in its whole scope, to penetrate into its nucleus, to identify and articulate its essential aspects—this is a difficult and demanding enterprise, and it is perhaps at the least auspicious of times that I venture to take such a task upon myself. Nevertheless, the crisis in Orthodox self-awareness in our days is a reality that has been acknowledged, and it can be analyzed and assessed from various standpoints. The value of each attempt in this direction is defined not solely by its intellectual attributes, but foremost by its spiritual authenticity, since the value of any such attempt must not, and cannot, be measured by the egocentrism of theological intellectualism, which occasions such broad and sweeping problems, or by formal erudition, political adroitness, literary skill, or short-sighted, legalistic smugness. The only possible criterion of assessment must be, above all else, our pain: the ability to feel spiritually the depth and tragedy of this crisis—the ability to feel both one’s own infirmities and, as well, the power of Christian truth that “is made perfect in weakness’’ (cf. II Corinthians 12:9). To imagine oneself so adequately gifted that, in his own right, simply by virtue of being Orthodox, he is competent to speak about this or that aspect of the contemporary crisis of the Orthodox ecclesial consciousness, and to do so “objectively,’’ “from the periphery’’; to consider oneself competent to speak authoritatively and to hold forth as though from the high court of a rational judge—all of this means that one has become a party to a very perilous facet of the very crisis in question. When we point out deviations from the truth and the spirit of Orthodoxy, when we speak against this or that delusion, we should not forget that delusion of one kind or another also inevitably lurks within ourselves; indeed, that nothing but a vivid awareness of our own susceptibility to delusion can, together with our love for the truth, shield us against every other delusion. Hence, the God-inspired words of St. Ignaty Bryanchaninov: “We are all in a state of ‘prelest’ [‘spiritual delusion’]. It is, above all, this awareness that protects us against ‘prelest’" (St. Ignaty Bryanchaninov, Complete Works, Vol. I, Ascetic Essays [in Russian] [Moscow: “Pravilo Very’’ Orthodox Editions, 1993], p. 228).

II. “Is any notion of ‘external correctness’ allowable in Orthodoxy?” This rhetorical question directs our attention to a process which unfolds eschatologically in time, both in scope and intensity, reaching its culmination in the concluding point of historical time itself. This is how St. Theophan the Recluse understands the fulfillment of this process. In his opinion, what will determine the spiritual state of mankind will not be human disbelief and obvious heresies alone. The Bishop writes: “There will be those who will adhere to the true Faith as it has been handed down [to us] by the Holy Apostles and preserved in the Orthodox Church; however, not a small part even of these will be Orthodox in name only, while in their hearts they will lack the stature that their faith requires, since they will have loved this age.... Even though the name ‘Christian’ will be heard in all places, and even though one will see churches and see order in them, all this will be a mere appearance; and within: a genuine apostasy. On this ground will be born the Antichrist, and he will grow in the same spirit of mere appearance, that of having no relationship to what is essential” (St. Theophan the Recluse, Works, “An Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistles: Epistle to the Thessalonians, Philippians, and Hebrews” [Moscow: Sretenie Monastery Publishing House, 1998], p. 308). Therefore, it is in this internal falling-away from the fullness of Orthodoxy as the Truth, as the Way, and as faith and life in Christ—or, if examined yet more minutely, in the unnatural disintegration of the notion of “correctness” and in its deprivation of intrinsic authenticity, of its formalizing, of its ominous loss of meaning—that St. Theophan the Recluse sees the nucleus of apostasy, and even the environment that will bear and nurture the Antichrist himself. To be sure, we are referring to a phenomenon which has brought disgrace upon Christians, to one extent or another, and which has assaulted the life of the Church in every age. The historical examples of this are quite ample. The cunning mind of the relativist instantly seizes on them, in fact, making of them a banner for the call to “situational historicity,” “realism,” or “theological sobriety,” over and against “super-Orthodox” fundamentalism, all sorts of apocalyptic hysteria, and the unhealthy absolutization of phenomena well-known since ancient times in the life of the Church. To be sure, lamentable as it is, such foibles and distortions exist, and a clever polemicist can forge them into effective arguments. Nonetheless, there is something else that we should not forget: from the soft armchair of intellectual self-assurance, pseudo-spiritual pomposity, conformity, and earthly comfort, it is difficult to see those black streams, coming in sudden floods through the ages, ever more portentously merging, today, into a single muddy torrent, which is assailing and fiercely buffeting the ship of the Church from all sides.

III. The degree to which the notion of “correctness” becomes formalized and loses its authenticity is determined by the degree to which we retreat from communion with, and are alienated from, the inherent authenticity of the Orthodox way of living and the Orthodox spiritual life; i.e., from an essential understanding of Orthodoxy as the fullness of the Truth and as faith and the life in Christ. It is precisely this process of the fatal alienation of the Orthodox from Orthodoxy (which is tantamount to alienation from Christ) that eschatologically accelerates the course of time. Today, this process is impulsively precipitated by a modern anti-Christian civilization. The ultimate aim of this “mystery of iniquity,” increasingly global in its activity, is to “clone” Orthodoxy in some way, creating, in its place, a duplicate, an “Orthodoxy” to some extent externally correct, but a spiritually inauthentic “Orthodoxy”; to wit, a kind of devitalized “Orthodoxy,” reduced to a cultural, political, religious, and folk institution—in mentality, an “Orthodoxy” that is earthly in every way and, though wrapped in “heavenly” metaphors, pulsating with the rhythm of this age, internally reformed “after the rudiments of the world” (Colossians 2:8) and torn away from Christ.

To diminish the significance of this process in our days, to shrink its dimensions in the name of a “well-balanced approach that takes into account the reality of modernity” and to reduce it to the straw man brandished by “super-correct” fundamentalists—this is to adduce that converse evidence by which, alas, this process gathers greater power. The late Father Seraphim (Rose) wrote in 1975: “Modern Church problems are not at all as simple as we see them in our comfortable historical era, and many reefs await us in the future. The common problem of all Orthodox Churches in our days is the loss of a taste for Orthodoxy, having gotten accustomed to the Church as though she were something understood pro ipso, replacing Christ’s Body with an ‘organization,’ with the idea that Grace and the Mysteries are somehow ‘automatically’ bestowed. Logical and prudent conduct will not be able to guide us through these reefs; one needs much suffering and experience, and only a few will understand...” (Father Seraphim Rose, from a letter of 19 February/4 March 1975, cited in Vertograd-Inform, No. 8 [53], 1999, p. 35).

What is especially tragic in this crisis is the fact that the most powerful surge in the loss of a taste for, or a sense of, Orthodoxy is largely brought about by none other than the multitude of Bishops: “I am grieved by the lack of interest in salvation in our world, and especially among the Bishops,” the Optina Elder and struggler for piety, Abbot Nikon (Vorobyoff), wrote already in 1948 (Hegumen Nikon [Vorobyoff], “What is Left to Us is Repentance,” in Letters [Moscow, 1997], Letter 127, p. 186). What harsher blow against ecclesial consciousness could there be than this: that this self-awareness should be shattered by those who should be its highest exponents? What more severe trauma could one be called to bear in the life of the Church than this: that the builders have become destroyers and the pastors wolves? Unallowable concessions before the “powerful of this age,” unbelief, coldness, indifference, and a disdain for Orthodoxy— whether visible or intellectually sublimated in an attempt to rethink the identity of Orthodoxy according to the realities of the modern world: these are not, in our days, only isolated phenomena; rather, they are exceedingly virulent cancer cells, which in many, indeed in the most critical, instances spread from the head down to the rest of the body. The consequences of this touch the whole dark spectre of a home-spun Orthodoxy characterized by a folk culture, prompting a multifarious, revisionist pathos for “modernizing” Orthodoxy, leading to clearly intentional betrayal and destruction at the highest levels of the Church, both administratively and theologically, and something at times camouflaged under the mask of a “traditionalist” Church polity. And what is most appalling about all this? The offense against “these little ones” (St. Matthew 18:6), disorientation, decay, the chaos in ecclesial self-awareness, and estrangement from “what is essential” by its substitution with the “spirit of mere effect.” It is essential that I underscore, once again, that most hurtful, in this sense, are the destructive changes in the consciousness of the Episcopate itself. Disheartening though it is to say, by their conduct, the bulk of the leading Hierarchs in so-called “official” Orthodoxy do not stand forth as the ultimate protectors of the Truth, but elevate their own persons to the rank of the prime criteria of veracity, correctness, and canonicity in the Church. This is probably the most destructive of the mechanisms by which an “organization” comes to replace the “Body of Christ.” It is telling that the more liberal Hierarchs, while they speak of tolerance, ecumenical openness, and broadmindedness towards the heterodox and the modern world, are, at the same time, markedly authoritarian, intolerant, and absolutely closed to dialogue when it comes to those Orthodox who, out of a most sincere concern for, and anxiety about, fidelity to the dogmatic and canonical traditions of the Church, raise questions that are “awkward” for the “official” Church authorities. As a result, the Hierarchy authoritatively challenges, sullies, and even restates the lofty values that guide every Orthodox Christian’s conscience: pious reverence, trust, and sacred obedience to the Bishop and the Council of Bishops as the supreme keepers of Truth. This is the tragic outcome of a long process which, under the influence of various factors, arises and develops in consort with an ever-widening rupture, over time, between the dogmatic and canonical traditions of the Church. Rare in our times are those with a vivid awareness of the fact that the Church’s canonical tradition is part of her dogmatic tradition; that the canons are, in fact, dogmas of Faith applied to the practical life of the Church. Today the canonical tradition of the Church has been reduced to Church law—an autonomous system of rules. Canonical rules, primarily focused on faith itself and spiritual in their essence, have been translated into the formal language of jurisprudence and reinterpreted in ways alien to the spiritual essence of the Church (see St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 2 [1964], pp. 67-84). It is here that we discover the root cause of the potential replacement of the “Body of Christ” by an “organization”: in the artificial distinction—and this with Roman Catholic, Protestant, and political overtones—between the idea of the Church, in her spiritual dimension, as a mystical entity both Heavenly and earthly and the Church as an organizational structure. As a result of this distinction, there emerges either what we may call an ecclesiological spiritualism (i.e., a quasi-Orthodox version of the theory of the Una Sancta, at times moderate and at times quite excessive in expression), or the political ecclesiology of Sergianism (having as its primary clandestine principle the survival of the “organization” by any means as a precondition for the survival of the “Body of Christ”) and the consequent unproductive ecclesiological experience that proceeds from it. According to the latter, the solid, palpable reality of the Church lies in its ecclesial “organization,” while the prime reality— the Heavenly and earthly Church as the Body of Christ, for which “the organization” is but a mere external expression—is relegated to some “idea,” to an “ideal,” to something sublime but conditional, as regards the reality of “the organization.” In all three of these instances, we see different ways of replacing the Body of Christ with something else: in the first instance, with an obviously non-Orthodox theological abstraction; and in the latter two cases, with an “organization” struggling to survive within, and according to, the rudiments of this world. The bolder applications of this last kind of substitution inevitably lead to an ever-growing and sharper conflict between two different “ways of thought”: “On the one hand, there is the notion of organic continuity in a Church which knows herself to be a reality, a body, a living continuity..., [and]...on the other hand, a legalistic notion, in which the whole of Church life is nothing but a system of jurisdictional subordination” (see “Problems of Orthodoxy in America: the Canonical Problem,” by Father Alexander Schmemann, “Orthodox Christian Information Center,” http://www.orthodoxinfo.com/ecumenism/ schmem_canon.htm). Here we come to see the unnatural, frightening dilemma in which some Hierarchs of “official” Orthodoxy have, in our day, placed thousands of racked human consciences: whether to trust in the spiritual authenticity of Tradition, in the Church as a “living continuity,” or to be loyal and obedient to the Church as a “system of jurisdictional subordination.” If the hierarchy embraces, or even simply tacitly tolerates, anything opposed to ecclesial Truth, then it comes to contradict itself, placing itself under the condemnation of the canons, which express this very Truth. Thusly, the Hierarchy itself comes to constitute an erosive contradiction to a truth that is obvious to the Orthodox conscience; namely, that obedience to a Bishop and a Council of Bishops is obedience to the Church, a prerequisite for participation in the Body of Christ. Now, it is, of course, true that there should not exist any contradiction between obedience to the Episcopate and obedience to Truth. But how harmful it is when sincere people, suffering because of the wounds in the body of the Church, reduce her existence, out of a desire not to inflict new wounds therein, to the existence of her Hierarchy, who, as it were, “automatically” bestow the Grace of the Mysteries. If you will forgive me, as regards the trust and the upright intentions of such individuals, for an “organization” to supplant the “Body of Christ” through the impermissible equation of the Episcopate with truthfulness, correctness, and canonicity, let alone with an abstract or coarsely personal principle of self- sufficient validity, is to put forth a non-Orthodox, magical understanding of the Church. The young Father Alexander Schmemann writes: “There grows around us a peculiar indifference to authenticity, to elementary moral considerations. A Bishop, a priest, or a layman can be accused of all sorts of moral and canonical sins. The day that he ‘shifts’ to the ‘canonical’ jurisdictions, all of these accusations become irrelevant. He becomes ‘valid’ and one can entrust to him the salvation of human souls! Have we completely forgotten that all the elements of the Church are not only equally important, but are also interdependent, and that what is not holy—i.e., right, correct, just, and canonical—cannot be ‘apostolic’? In our opinion, nothing has more harmed the spiritual and moral foundations of Church life than the truly immoral idea that a man, or an act, or a situation is ‘valid’ simply by a purely formal act of ‘self-validation.’ It is this immoral doctrine that poisons the Church.’’

IV. In the context of what I have hitherto said, there is also contained the essential issue of widespread ecumenism. Many Spirit-bearing Hierarchs and theologians, expressing the living voice of Orthodox Tradition, warn us with great concern that ecumenism is the chief heresy of our time, an ecclesiological heresy which distorts the Orthodox doctrine of the Church. Unlike the ancient heresies, however, ecumenism does not seek a clear and consistent doctrinal expression, presenting itself as truth and openly essaying to replace a doctrinal truth spawned or formulated by the conscience of the Church. It is precisely for this reason that it is difficult to provide an exhaustive definition of ecumenism, making our struggle against it all the more difficult. There are but only a few Hierarchs and theologians who consider themselves Orthodox and who, at the same time, confess ecumenism in its most drastic form—that of interreligious syncretism— or profess ecumenism in the “purest’’ sense of an ecclesiological heresy: that is, that as a result of the divisions among Christians, the one visible Church of Christ no longer exists and is now being revived in the bosom of the ecumenical movement. A greater number of these liberal Hierarchs and theologians simply aspires to “broaden’’ or “expand’’ the Church beyond its borders and gradually to shelter within her all of those heresies which have heretofore been hewn away from the Body of Christ. And perhaps the largest number of these “church politicians’’ is found among those who do not delve more deeply into theological thought, but accept the ecumenical movement in a pragmatic sense, principally in terms of its powerful role as a religious and political reality that one can perceive in various ways, yet from which one must not separate himself, unless he should wish to lead the most miserable of marginal existences, outside the “realities of the modern age.’’ This is the rationale of “political ecumenism’’; however it is not the logic of the Orthodox ethos, of Orthodox ecclesial self-awareness. Incidentally, it is precisely the politics of diplomacy that clearly marks the attitude of the “official” Hierarchy towards ecumenism (within the whole spectrum of positions, from various levels of criticism to approbation); and in the categorical refusal of the “official” Hierarchy to treat ecumenism as a heresy, we see a trying perplexity and even a loss of awareness of “what the Church of Christ is and what fidelity to her entails” (see Hieromonk Seraphim [Rose], “Митрополит Филарет Нью-Йоркский” [“Metropolitan Philaret of New York”], Русский Пастырь, Nos. 33-34, 1999, p. 56). The call not merely to withdraw from the World Council of Churches, but to condemn ecumenism at a synodal level on the basis of theological analysis and the evaluation of the essence of ecumenism at a conciliar level, remains a monopoly of what are called “super-Orthodox” or so-called “arch-conservative schismatic groups.” Here again, we see the manifest symptoms of “external correctness”: “correctness” has not been compromised, since the Hierarchy has not officially proclaimed the presence of innovation in the Faith; therefore, the Church, i.e., “the organization,” remains ostensibly intact. Indeed. But at the same time, behind this Facade, the “Body of Christ” suffers a series of ruthless blows. And when, through the catalytic action of ecumenism, the clash between the “two ways of thinking” cited above comes to a head—i.e., when, in order to preserve the authenticity of Tradition and “the organic continuity of the Church,” the “system of jurisdictional subordination” is rent—, every possible curse and accusations of schism fall on the heads of those aspiring to remain in the fullness of Christ’s Church. But in matter of fact, in the event of a threat of heresy, a walling-off from the “official” jurisdictional structure is a move towards the preservation of the very “organic continuity” of the Church, prompted, above all, by the ambiguous, elusive, “political” attitude of the Hierarchy towards heresy, or, in other words, by the substitution of Christ’s Body with “the organization,” that is, by the system of Church administration and jurisdiction, reaching its fruition in heresy itself. To call this walling- off a schism is logical only from the standpoint of a logic which defends, at any cost and by all means, the formal, self-sufficient validity of this administrative and jurisdictional system, regardless of whether it is a lawful, external exponent of the Body of Christ or has begun to transform itself into a substitute that mars its authenticity. Should we scrutinize this matter informally, we might define as schism such divisive action as that by which one falls away from the canonical jurisdictional system of the Church as well as from her organic spiritual continuity as the Body of Christ, given that these two no longer exist in their natural state of unity and integrity.

V. In conclusion, I would like to describe several manifestations of the symptoms of “external correctness,” which pose no small danger to traditionalist Church bodies. To be sure, I am here dealing merely with a very general, tentative and not fully-developed model, since each traditionalist jurisdiction has its own specific features and since this is not the proper place to consider this matter in a more detailed fashion. At any rate, we are speaking about a danger which, in some sense, is the opposite of what I have been hitherto examining. If in “official” Orthodoxy there is a strong tendency to refashion correctness into an array of elements irreconcilable with correctness, into a “spirit of appearance without relation to what is essential,” in the traditionalist jurisdictions, more often than not motivated by a sincere zeal “not according to knowledge” (Romans 10:2), there exists the danger of identifying the spirit with the letter, the contents with the form, and, as a consequence of this, the illicit absolutization of correctness. A serious danger threatens the ecclesiological self-awareness of these jurisdictions in their attempt to find their own ecclesial identity. The tragic divisions among the Orthodox traditionalists, and this many years in duration, has provided lamentable examples of what might be called an ecclesiological independence and a rigidity that reduce the catholicity of the Church, i.e., “the correct and salvific confession of the Faith” (to quote St. Maximos the Confessor), to a sense of infallibility and exclusivity, seeing one’s own jurisdiction as the sole exponent of the true Church. Consequently, instead of recognizing the tragedy of this division among sincere and zealous Orthodox Christians, it is sealed, until a time unknown, with unbending theological rigidity, a blend of sincerity and fanaticism—expediency and slavery to the letter—in which a theological opinion is quickly “transformed” into Church doctrine and a “universal” standard of truth.

* * *

Alas, there are so many reefs that surround us, and so many reefs await us in the future, too. Indeed, we need much suffering and much experience: we need a deep awareness of our own delusions, an awareness that will protect us against further delusion, in order to begin to live in concord with the heartbeat of the suffering Body of Christ, which is yet in its anguish triumphant and, though being humiliated, racked, crucified, and supplanted, is... invincible. We need great fidelity and intense faithfulness, so that its heartbeat becomes our heartbeat, its humiliation our humiliation, its suffering our suffering, its glory our glory. The road stretches ahead. Lord, illumine our darkness!

Thank you for your patience.

 

Sunday, March 29, 2026

Let Us Think About Our Soul

by Schemamonk Savva

 

 

St. Macarius the Great says: “Go out into the open air and bare your chest and try and stop the wind! Can you restrain the wind, not letting it blow upon your chest? This is how Satan troubles the entire world with his evil designs.”

Each one of us is involved in a struggle, whether we are going to accept or reject these designs. We have a Guardian Angel given to us by God at Baptism; he guards us, helps us to save ourselves, keeps us from misfortune — but only if we ourselves appeal to him for help.

It is said, “The Angel of the Lord will encamp round about them that fear Him [God]” (Ps. 33:8). If we love God and fulfill His law, then our Angel is with us. Let everyone ask himself, “Have I prayed to my holy Angel who was given to me by God at holy Baptism?” We must pray without fail, “O holy Angel, my Guardian, help me to save myself.” All the holy angels have great boldness before God. They did not join with Lucifer against God; therefore the Lord rewarded them with unfailing grace. They stood their ground, and now they will eternally rejoice, glorifying and hymning God, the Creator of all. This is why they have great love and great boldness to pray for us.

If we haven’t been praying to our holy angel as we should, let us begin. Let us assiduously ask him, “O Angel, my guardian, help me, pray to God for me.” You will immediately become joyful, because you have a helper given to you by God for the protection of your life. And not only for your life, but he is also your helper in death. He will help you through the “toll houses,” he will lead your soul to worship before God. On the fortieth day, the Lord will give you a place, based upon your deeds, until the dread Last Judgement, when the dead will hear the voice of the Son of God, and those who hear will live. As we sing in the Symbol of Faith, “I look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come. Amen.”

But what if what actually happens, is not what has been said here? In the Lives of the Saints, we read that a certain saint was walking about a city and saw an angel weeping. The saint asked, “Why are you weeping?” The holy angel answered: “The Lord appointed me to this man at holy Baptism; now he has gone into a brothel.” The saint said, “Punish him!” The angel replied:

“The Lord gave man free will. There are two paths: the narrow one, leading to the Heavenly Kingdom, and the vast, wide one, leading to ruin. The Lord gave laws, the most important being: ‘Love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind.’ The second is like unto the first: ‘Love thy neighbor as thyself.’”

“When the Lord explained the task of salvation to the apostles, He gave them the parable of the tares. A man planted wheat, but Satan, the enemy, planted tares among the wheat, and the two grew together. The servants of the householder asked him: ‘Sir, didst thou not sow good seed in thy field? From whence then hath it tares? Wilt thou then that we go and gather them up?’ But he said: ‘Nay; lest while ye gather up the tares, ye root up also the wheat. Let both grow together until the harvest: and in the time of the harvest I will say to the reapers, Gather ye together first the tares, and bind them in bundles to burn them: but gather the wheat into my barn’ (Mt. 13: 24-30).”

The holy apostle Paul told us that we must all appear before the judgement of Christ. He also wrote that when the repentant sinners are counted, neither fornicators nor adulterers will inherit the Kingdom of God. This is why the angel was weeping. He saw the man to whom he was entrusted, committing a sin, and he was not repentant. The angel was weeping because such an unrepentant sinner, after the Last Judgement, will eternally suffer. This sort of person commits sins and does believe that God exists and also the eternal torment and unending fire. When such a man dies unrepentant, then the demons will take his soul and lead it to their dwelling place. Then the holy angel will leave the unrepentant sinner who did not listen to the suggestions of the angel when he told him to repent! This is what St. Macarius the Great wrote about the soul of the unrepentant sinner.

What did our Lord Jesus Christ say concerning the Final Judgement? What will He say to the unrepentant sinners? He will say, “Depart from Me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels.”

As one holy bishop wrote: “The time of mercy has passed,’ the Lord will say, ‘the time of judgement has come; tears will not help you now, the time of repentance has passed. Go away from Me, ye damned, into the everlasting fire.’ What is eternal punishment? First, it is excommunication from God. Second, it is the eternity of fire. Third, it is co-habitation with the devil. You cannot imagine nor depict nor comprehend it!” wrote the bishop about the lot of the unrepentant. The unrepentant will be with those of whom the Lord said, “The prince of this world is judged” (John 16:11). What is said of those who are seduced by him? “And they went up on the breadth of the earth, and compassed the camp of the saints about, and the beloved city: and fire came down from God out of heaven, and devoured them” (Apoc. 20:9). Their fate will be the same as those who seduced them: “cast into the lake of fire and brimstone, where the beast and the false prophet are, and shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever” (Apoc. 20:10).

The souls of the ungodly are immortal. Their bodies were given over to the earth to decompose. But the souls of all of us are immortal. On the Last Day, all will live again. The soul of every person will re-unite with its body, for we must all appear before the Christ Who judges. And the Lord will say to the evil ones, “Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels.” These angels were once warriors in heaven. They were holy angels, but they listened to Lucifer and when he conceived the thought: “I will place my throne and, ascending above the clouds, I will be like unto the Most High,” they ceased to worship God. Lucifer knew Who God is, yet he wanted to make himself a god like Him. But the godless do not accept God! What will happen to them? Excommunication from God forever, never seeing the face of God, from Whom they will be separated; their destiny will be to suffer together with the demons.

Satan tempted Adam and Eve not to listen to God and to eat the forbidden fruit. They ate and died. But their souls are eternal. “Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return,” concerns the body. Their souls went to Hades; all the souls were in Hades until the resurrection of Christ, when the Lord came and set them free.

Satan and the demons know that they are sentenced to eternal suffering. As the demons once asked the Lord, “Don’t send us to suffer before the time,” or in another place they asked that they might be sent into a herd of swine. Demons don’t even have the power to enter into a herd of swine without the permission of God. The Lord made all and directs all things: “Through Whom all things were made.” Without Him nothing would be that is. The Lord allows us to be exposed to all sorts of temptations. Let us remember the Apostle Paul who said, “There was given to me…the messenger of Satan to buffet me.” Three times the apostle asks the Lord to rid him of it. What did the Lord answer? “My grace is sufficient for thee: for My strength is made perfect in weakness.” And what did the Lord say would be our lot? We must experience many sorrows in order to enter the Kingdom of Heaven.

When St. Eustathius Placidas became a believer, the Lord asked him when he wished to endure his suffering — now or at the end of his life? Eustathius answered, “If it cannot be avoided, then now.” When he was to go aboard ship, his wife was left on board when the ship sailed away, while he and his sons were stranded. The sons were then abducted by animals; only later did the Lord re-unite them.

And what did the Lord tell the Apostle Paul about his shortcomings? What does the apostle himself tell us? “There was given to me…the messenger of Satan to buffet me, lest I should be exalted above measure.” This means that he loved the Lord and wanted to be saved, but first, one must be humbled. The Lord has told us that He looks only upon the meek and humble and those who hear His word. How does St. John Chrysostom teach us to pray? “Lord, give me humility and chastity and obedience.” He asked and the Lord gave. Let us also ask, that the Lord may give these to us.

Whoever wants to pray purely to God must, without any evil thoughts or distractions, chant or says in himself, “Thy Cross do we venerate, O Lord, and we glorify Thy holy Resurrection.” And, “Guard me, O Lord, by the power of Thy Cross and keep me from all evil.”

Protect yourself with the sign of the Cross; not only once, but frequently and fervently, as the Orthodox Church teaches: on the forehead, the lower chest, and on the right and left shoulders, saying either from memory or reading it, “By the power of Thy Cross, O Christ, establish my thoughts so that I may hymn and glorify Thy holy Ascension.” Repeat other troparia and sticheras to the Cross. For instance, “Today the Master of creation and the Lord of Glory is nailed upon the Cross.” Or you may limit yourself to that one prayer, “Thy Cross do we venerate, O Lord, and we glorify Thy holy Resurrection.” Read or sing this prayer three or even six times, and you will want to sing or read it more and more. As the Church chants in the fourth tone for “Lord, I have cried”: “Unceasingly venerating Thy Cross, O Christ God.”

Why do Satan and his angels endeavor to tempt us? Because of envy, so that we, by not listening to the Lord and by not fulfilling His laws, will not be saved, but earn the judgement and share the same fate as the prince of this world.

For us who are baptized, the will of God is our joy, for we want our dear ones and ourselves to be saved.

Arise, O sinners, and go to the Heavenly Father!

 

Translated from Pravoslavnaya Zhizn, 1963, No. 11, pp. 21-24, by Michael Krassovsky.

Source: Orthodox Life, Vol. 33, No. 2, March-April 1983, pp. 37-40.

 

 

Western Orthodoxy: An Innovation or a Reclamation?

By Fr. Stephen Empson

[Webmaster note: This informative article, concerning the unique liturgical use of the Église catholique orthodoxe de France, was published in 1984 in the journal Axios. I originally posted a manual transcription of the article in the defunct “Occidentalis” Western Rite Yahoo discussion group in the early 2000s, which has since been disseminated on multiple websites but likely contains transcription errors. This corrected text is from an AI OCR text generated from a photocopy of the original article obtained from the University of Iowa Main Library in Iowa City, Iowa.]

 

 

In response to a great number of requests for a clarification of the terminology Western Orthodoxy largely from the readership of Axios, we present this paper which touches upon three major aspects of Western Orthodoxy. The first consideration is ecclesiological by nature: the historical position of Western Orthodoxy in the Universal legacy of liturgical materials which issued during the first flowering of Western Orthodoxy, including the sixth-century Mass structures of Paris and Rome. We will close this paper with a discussion of the current state of Western Orthodoxy affairs, including brief comments upon the one Western Orthodox Diocese now in existence.

For a number of reasons which are quite obvious, most Orthodox clergy and faithful either have never heard of Western Orthodoxy, or at best could not offer a workable description of it. Probably first among these reasons is the fact that the published writings on Western Orthodoxy would scarcely fill a library shelf. And most of this output exists in languages other than English. Another reason for the lack of general knowledge of this subject, at least in English-speaking lands, is the fact that the very few Orthodox catechisms and concise histories of Orthodoxy, even should they mention activity in the Christian Western Roman Empire during the first millennium, do not at all leave the reader with an outright impression of a thousand-year Western Orthodox era. There is also a general tendency among the Eastern Orthodox to view things Western with various degrees of repugnance, perhaps forgetting that the Christian West was not always Roman Catholic. Most obvious of all is the fact that since the great schism of 1054, Orthodoxy was at first exclusively Eastern, and to this day remains overwhelmingly Eastern. And since proclamation of Balsamon [1] the Eastern Church has been based liturgically upon the much evolved Byzantine Rite [2]. All of this quite naturally leads the average person into a comfortable belief that Orthodoxy was always Eastern and Byzantine Rite, and perhaps that this disproportion in the universality, or catholicity if you will, of Orthodoxy must be maintained forever.

This brings us to our first general topic: the historical position of The Western Orthodox Church. Roman Catholic seminaries have always taught that the first thousand years of the Christian West constitute Roman Catholic Church history. In a sense, of course, there is truth in such an assumption, for the Christian West was indeed in the spiritual jurisdiction of Rome, and was indeed Catholic. The Bishop of Rome was Patriarch of the West, and canonically first-among-equals of the Orthodox episcopate [3]. However, this understanding of history is partial [4].

Orthodox seminaries have always featured courses in Church history centered upon Byzantine and Slavic evolution, and there are countless excellent texts written from this viewpoint. Rare or nonexistent are courses entitled, for example, “The History of Orthodoxy in England” or “The Evolution of Liturgical Music in Spain”. The few specialists in these and other aspects of Western liturgical development must largely refer to published material by past and present non-Orthodox scholars.

We consider our Holy Orthodox Church of Christ to be One, Holy, Orthodox, Catholic, Universal and Apostolic. Each of these characteristics, or parameters if you will, of our Church would require many printed pages to fully, or even adequately, describe. Our Church represents and includes within itself a fullness which in some cases remains to be revealed and in others escapes close scrutiny and human attempts at categorization and conceptualism.

Among the characteristics of our Church which are not so elusive is its universality. Let us consider this term in the context of The Universal Church. A dictionary description will not suffice in this instance, although it is worth noting that in our Webster the word “universality” indicates “a universal comprehensiveness” and “unrestricted versatility or power of adaption or comprehension”. As far as these descriptions go, they are appropriate. Certainly they refer to the period of the undivided Orthodox Church of the first millennium, which was indeed comprehensive: the Church was Eastern and Western, extending to the far corners of the entire Roman Empire. This was Our Lord’s expectation [5] and the task of “evangelization” quickly gained momentum after Pentecost [6]. Even in Apostolic days we can speak of the universal Church, although the balance between East and West took on a definite shape during the post-Apostolic era. The first Bishops or overseers took over the work of the Apostles, and inherited the Apostolic grace. Episcopal sees rooted themselves in the great centers of population, Rome, Antioch, Constantinople and Alexandria, of course, but also in Toledo, Milan, Vienna, Lyons, Paris, Poitiers, Canterbury, York, Whitby and Lindisfarne. The Church was universal, comprehensive, and certainly versatile.

We read of the great hierarchs of the East: of Saints Basil, Cyril, John Chrysostom, Photios, Athanasios and Ignatios. We also read of the great hierarchs of the West: of Saints Ireney of Lyons, Germain of Auxerre, Hilary of Poitiers, Gregory of Rome, Ambrose of Milan, Augustine of Canterbury and Wilfrid of York. As we study the exemplary lives and works of the Eastern Monastic Fathers, and pray that they will intercede to God in our behalf, we can be assured that Saints Benedict of Nursia, Martin of Tours, Odo of Cluny, Benedict Bishop of Wearmouth, Boniface of Fulda and Columba of Iona are entirely at our disposition. The absolute joy of the resurrected Christ which inspired and impelled the foundation of Studion Monastery in Constantinople also inspired and impelled the foundation of St. Denis Abbey, Melrose Abbey and Marmoutier. Even before Isidore and Melitos projected the great Hagia Sophia, the Merovingian architects had designed a great cathedral dedicated to Saint Stephen in Paris [7]. Such was the universality, comprehensiveness and versatility of Orthodoxy: such was the balance which once prevailed. And so it is that we speak of the undivided Church: so rich in the various local expressions and manifestations of One Lord, One Faith, One Baptism [8].

This ideal balance, this magnificent diversity within an absolute unity of Faith and Dogma could have been established and maintained only with Divine assistance: the intimate participation of The Holy Spirit. This Divine Counsel guaranteed the undivided Church against doctrinal error. The Ecumenical Councils included Eastern and Western Fathers, who gathered together from the far points of the Empire in order to defend Orthodoxy against heresy. The Fathers deliberated, and framed the canons, always guarded and guided by The Holy Spirit. The Bishops, from East and West, were equal in grace, and the faithful, Eastern and Western, constituted the “conscience” of the Church. As long as this concept of ecclesiology prevailed, The Holy Spirit maintained the Church undivided, and the Church expanded as naturally, successfully and harmoniously as could be expected. This long period of harmony and balance gradually faded within the undivided Church in direct proportion to the gradual loss of conciliarity which occurred as the Patriarchate of Rome became the papacy and the well-known innovations and corruptions began. Although we understand that 1054 is the formal date of the Western schism, the seeds of non-conciliarity were planted in Rome long before, as we shall discover shortly.

As we now consider certain major examples of liturgical structures which took root in the undivided Church, we can continue to rejoice in the Church’s universality and power of adaptability.

There is a vast treasury of Western Orthodox liturgical materials, to a degree unexplored and to an even greater degree unused. Few of those who have worked on these liturgical materials in the past have described them in the context of Orthodoxy. Yet these materials are the very substance and structure of the Orthodox West from Post-Apostolic times henceforth. The liturgical structures and the music which adorned them command our reverence, inasmuch as they form an integral part of the written Tradition of our Church, along with the Holy Scriptures and the dogmatic and disciplinary canons. We dare to put the early liturgical structures on this plane because in each instance we have the results of the intimate participation of The Holy Spirit. Certain men in the course of time cooperated with The Holy Spirit and The Scriptures took form. Later, other men sought the participation of The Holy Spirit in order to determine the “canonical” and “deutero-canonical” books, and to point out those that were spurious. In issuing the Holy Canons at the Ecumenical Councils, we are familiar with the terminology, “It seemed right to The Holy Spirit and to us...” It was the same Holy Spirit who inspired and guided the formation of the liturgical structures of the early, forming, shaping Church.

The joyous reality of this veritable Divine participation in the formation of all the early liturgical structures of the Church should be a major consideration in the study of Liturgical Theology, yet we do not observe any such emphasis [9]. This is perhaps the principal reason that the early Orthodox liturgical structures are researched for the most part by the non-Orthodox, from a purely archaeological point of view. Of course, there is a major exception to this situation, which we will discuss at the appropriate time.

We have discussed the fullness, the universality, the versatility and power of adaption of our Church as it took root in the East and in the West. We considered Eastern and Western Bishops, Confessors and Abbots; we see that Byzantine domes and Gothic spires together led men of old to the contemplation and aspiration of things Divine; we discovered that The Rule of Saint Benedict and The Rule of The Master, for example, are just as Orthodox, if you will, as the Rules of Pachomius and Saint Basil. It is necessary, before discussing actual liturgies, to suggest a cut-off date, which will enable us to confine our considerations to that period in history during which such liturgies evolved and flourished. We will suggest the year 800 as an ideal cut-off date. In this year Charlemagne was crowned as the first Western Emperor. Charlemagne condemned the Ecumenical Council of 787 in 794. During the pontificates of Popes Stephen III, Stephen IV and Hadrian I (752-795) the Patriarchate of Rome, for all practical purposes, freed itself from the East, and pursued its independent course. Year by year, in stages and degrees, the orthodox Patriarchate of Rome became the monolithic Roman Papacy. One of the first major proofs of non-conciliarity were Rome’s efforts at uniformity of liturgical practice (then and ever since).

Charlemagne and Alcuin were given the task, by Rome, of replacing all local liturgical structures in the West with the local liturgical structures of Rome. This is the type of legislation which has come to characterize the Roman Church; unilateral and devoid of the participation of The Holy Spirit. No Council, Eastern or Western, was called by anyone concerning this liturgical innovation of the ninth century.

And so it is that we suggest the year 800 as the end of the flowering of ideal Western Orthodoxy, as one by one the beautiful, effective and sacred liturgical structures of the West (save the Roman) were torn out by their roots, the seeds of which had been planted many centuries earlier by Saints and The Holy Spirit. Suddenly, the worship structures of millions disappeared from cathedrals, churches and abbeys and began to take their new places on library shelves. Genuine liturgical development ceased. Speculation and caprice followed, and even the Roman Rite in time became infused with Gallican uses [10]. At the same time the archtypal Roman liturgical chants assumed layer after layer of Gallican stylization [11] to form a tradition now known somewhat erroneously as Gregorian.

During the period of Western Orthodox florescence, the principal liturgical structures formed what we now call the Gallican family. Included in this family are the Gallican Rite, the Mozarabic Rite, the Ambrosian Rite, the West African and the Celtic Rites.

Coeval with the Gallican structures of Western Europe was the Roman Rite in the City of Rome and its environs. A number of secondary sources on the Roman Rite have presented this structure as being somewhat removed from the Gallican family from the point of view of content, style and focus. This has been the result of comparing more recent Roman MSS with older Gallican MSS, for example. We have even seen the sixth century Gallican Mass set side-by-side with the Tridentine Mass for the purpose of an accurate appraisal of the differences! The Roman structure, by the time it became “codified” by a liturgical commission under Pope Pius V in 1570, had not only taken on a considerable amount of Gallican uses [12], but had also lost some of its own original elements [13]. It is beyond the scope of this paper to present in corresponding columns the Orthodox liturgical structures of Rome, Antioch, Constantinople, Alexandria, Paris, Toledo and Milan, for the purpose of comparison. But it is sufficient to mention that in doing so, the scholar must select a particular date, such as 500 or 600, in order to arrive at reasonable conclusions concerning the differences and similarities of the several rites. From a theological point of view, we can consider the liturgical development throughout the Empire to be truly representative from the post-Apostolic period to the sixth or even the eighth century. It was a natural, uncomplicated development, which perhaps significantly took place during the period of the Councils. It is more than significant that the Council Fathers neither deliberated over current liturgical use nor framed any canons in this regard.

If the first eight centuries of the Christian era give us the most ideal picture of Orthodox catholicity, universality, comprehensibility and adaptability, from both ecclesiological and liturgical standpoints, thus presenting a truly Spirit-inspired balance within one Church, then it would seem that these very liturgical structures should once again take their rightful, legitimate place within the same one Church.

It must be pointed out that those who believe in a truly balanced Orthodoxy, and who labor in this direction, are not merely historians, archaeologists and liturgiologists, although solid scholarship is certainly required. We first seek the legitimate diversity which should prevail in the one Church. We seek an East-West balance which will manifest, in a measure, the catholicity of the Church.

With this in mind, and having decided upon an ideal, truly representative period of liturgical development, for our purpose in the Orthodox West, we can touch upon the liturgical legacy of pre-Carolingian Christianity.

Let us begin with an exposition and brief history of The Gallican Rite which is actually celebrated in the parishes of The Orthodox Church of France. This we call The Divine Liturgy according to Saint Germain, Bishop of Paris (555-576). When we say “according to” we do not indicate actual authorship, for no early liturgies were written or composed by an individual.

Saint Germain was born in Autun, France in 492, and became Abbot of the monastery of Saint-Symphorien in Autun. In 555 he was appointed Bishop of Paris by King Childebert [14]. This same year he outlined and commented upon the Divine Liturgy celebrated in the capital (in a style similar to the Cabasilas Commentary) and sent his observations back to the Autun monastery. For 1154 years, the Letters of Saint Germain remained in the monastery. In 1709, this precious MS was discovered by two Maurist Benedictine liturgiologists, Dom Edmond Martene and Dom Ursin Durand [15]. They published the Letters in their Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum in 1717. This was reproduced in Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, wherein also appears the biography of Saint Germain by Saint Venance Fortunat (535-600), Bishop of Poitiers. Pierre Le Brun (1661-1729), an Oratorian priest, also worked on the Letters and published them with commentary in 1777 [16]. Other Merovingian MSS serve to substantiate the content of the Gallican liturgical structures; these fit into four convenient categories. Let us first mention the writings of the Church Fathers of Gaul:

Saint Sulpice Severe (V. c)
Saint John Cassian (V. c)
Saint Gennadius (V. c)
Saint Gregory of Tours (VI. c)
Saint Venance Fortunat (VI. c)
Saint Avit of Vienne (VI. c)
Saint Sidonius Apollinarius (VI. c)
Saint Faustus of Riez (VI. c)
Saint Caesar of Arles (VI. c)
Saint Aurelian of Arles (VI. c)

each of which amplify particular aspects of the liturgical structures and church life in general during the period we now consider [17].

Secondly, we mention the local Councils of Gaul, the canons and minutes of which present valuable witness to contemporary liturgical practice:

Council of Agde (509)
Council of Lyons (517)
Council of Vaison (529)
Council of Macon (585)
Council of Rouen (650)
Council of Nantes (658)

and others, which also amplify certain aspects of church life and corroborate the manuscript of Saint Germain [18]. The writings of the Church Fathers and the Council Canons and minutes are obviously closely related, and, in addition to their vivid portrayal of Merovingian church life, they give absolute testimony to the interdependence and unity that prevailed in Sixth and Seventh century Orthodoxy, a unity of Faith expressed and experienced within local liturgical structures.

Thirdly, we list a number of Missals and Sacramentaries. Although the actual order of the Mass, for example, is not given in these MSS such order is indirectly given. We will find Collects and Readings for the Temporal and Sanctoral cycles, all given in a particular order. The Post-Precem Collect (Oratio) points to the Litany which precedes it. The Post-Nomina Collect points to the Diptychs which precede it, and so forth. Among the most interesting and valuable MSS in this category are

Missale Gothico-Gallicanum (Autun Missal)
Missale Gallicanum Vetus
Sacramentarium Gallicanum [19]
The Mono Missal [20]
The Stowe Missal [21]
Missale Francorum
The Bobbio Missal

Fourthly, there are the Lectionaries and Antiphonaries which have the same interest and value as the Missals and Sacramentaries, in various degrees. Among the principal MSS we quote:

Fourthly, there are the Lectionaries and Antiphonaries which have the same interest and value as the Missals and Sacramentaries, in various degrees. Among the principal MSS we quote:

The Luxouil Lectionary [22]
The Autun Lectionary [23]
The Bangor Antiphonary [24]

There are numerous published texts which cover the nineteenth and twentieth century research on The Divine Liturgy according to Saint Germain of Paris [25]. We now present the structure of this Liturgy:

Introit (Praelegendum)
Call to Silence (Silentium)
Trisagium (Aius)
Kyrie eleison
Canticle of Zachary (Prophetia)
Collects (Orationes)
O.T. Reading (Propheta)
Gradual
Epistle (Apostolus)
Benedicite (Hymnum)
Thrice-Holy before Gospel (Aius ante Evangelium)
Gospel (Evangelium)
Thrice-Holy after Gospel (Sanctus post Evangelium)
Sermon (Homelias)
Catechumen exit (Catechuminum)
Litany (Preces)
Collect of the Litany (Post-Precem)
Great Entrance (Sonus et Laudes)
Diptychs (Diptycha)
Collect of the Diptychs (Post-Nomina)
Kiss of Peace
Collect of the Kiss of Peace (ad Pacem)
Preface and Sanctus (Contestatio)
Collect of the Sanctus (Post-Sanctus)
Institution (Qui pridie)
Breaking of Bread (Confactio)
Immixtion (Commixtio)

The Lord’s Prayer (Orationem Dominicam)
Communion
Trecanon (Trecanum)
Dismissal [26]

 

At first glance the Liturgy according to Saint Germain appears quite lengthy, but in fact our average celebrations, exclusive of extended sermon and communions, require one hour.

The Gallican-type liturgies contain many proper, or changeable prayers, all very expressive and often quite colorful. Each of these prayers points explicitly to the dominant theme of the Sunday, the Feast, or the Saint. For instance, in the Missale Gothico-Gallicanum, Feast of Saint Sernin, Bishop of Toulouse (November 29) we are given two opening Collects which serve to introduce the Feast didactically, a Post-Nomina, an Ad Pacem and a Contestatio [27]. In the Sacramentarium Gallicanum, Feast of Saint Martin of Tours (November 11) we are given an O.T. Reading, Epistle and Gospel, in addition to the five prayers just described. The terms “Sacramentary” and “Missale” each have their proper significant semantically, although the actual Sacramentaries and Missales in question are often similar in content, even including those parts proper to the Lectionaries. The Antiquissimum Lectionarium Gallicanum [28] contains readings for 42 Sundays and Feasts and for the ordination of Deacon and of Priest, each set of readings is followed by very interesting historical notes and observations. Fascinating among the ten introductory paragraphs to this Lectionary is the discussion of Advent Sundays, which in the early Orthodox West numbered six, as in the East. Testimony from the Mozarabic and Ambrosian Sacramentaries is given, both of which give Propers for six Advent Sundays, in addition to a quotation from Canon 9 of the Council of Macon (585) which points indirectly to six Advent Sundays, “Ut a feria Sancti Martini (November 11) usque ad Natale Domini, secunda, quarta et sexta Sabbati jejunetur, et sacrificia quadragesimali debeant ordine celebrari.”

Another Maurist Benedictine, Dom John Mabillon, in his “Investigation of the Gallican Use” [29] discusses the history of the Divine Office in the East and West, the origin and development of Western liturgical chant.

The Missale Francorum [30] presents the rubrics and texts for ordinations, consecrations and blessings. The six orders preliminary to the priesthood mentioned in the writings of Pope Caius of Rome (+296) are ostiarius, lector, exorcist, acolyte, subdeacon and deacon. The Missale Francorum presents these six orders, and in addition, the ordination of priests, the consecration of bishops, the consecration of nuns, the blessing of widows, the consecration of altars, chalices and patens.

The Deacon of Lyons, Florus (+860) wrote extensively on many subjects concerning church life up to and including his own time, and took a prominent part in the public defense of Orthodoxy. Among his works we find “De actione Missae” [31] which, in describing the ceremonial (rubrical) aspect of the Gallican Liturgy, serves to corroborate the content of the liturgy from still another viewpoint.

There is a vast literature on the Gallican liturgical structures. There is not space at this time to even list the primary sources properly, and as to the outstanding secondary sources we must be content to mention, in addition to Martene and Durand, Pierre Le Brun (+1729), an Oratorian Priest, who in 1777 published a treatise on the Gallican liturgy [32].

Even more vast is the literature on the Old Roman Rite, the most valuable testimony being contained in the numerous recensions of three Sacramentaries: The Leonine, The Gelasian, and The Gregorian. Most of these Sacramentaries are of French and Swiss origin. Without elaborating on this subject, which has been widely covered by others, we will list four Gelasian Sacramentaries personally examined. The first is the Gelasian Sacramentary of Angouleme (GeA), a Merovingian MS now in the National Library in Paris, Latin Codex 816; the second is the Gelasian Sacramentary of Rheinau (GeR), dating from 800, now in the Central Library of Zurich, Codex Rheinau 30; the third is the Gelasian Sacramentary of Corbie Abbey (GeV), dating from c. 750, now in the Vatican Library, Codex R.L. 316; the fourth is the Gelasian Sacramentary of Saint Gall (GeS), a MS dating from c. 825, now in the Library of Saint-Gallen, Switzerland, Codex 348. These MSS were compared for the purpose of determining the actual content of the Roman Canon in the fifth century. Other sources were consulted in order to determine the structure of the Liturgy of the Word (Mass of the Catechumens) during this same period, principally Bishop and Wilmart [33] and of course J. A. Jungman [34], the twentieth-century expert in this field.

The purpose of this research was to reconstitute the liturgy of Rome, as it was celebrated during the era of Western Orthodox florescence. The reasons for selecting this ideal and representative period are outlined earlier in this paper, and these criteria will affect our future work on the other Western Orthodox rites. When this task is accomplished, we will have a fairly accurate picture of Western Orthodox liturgical structures during the same period, prior to their contamination and compenetration.

The results of our work on the Old Roman Rite are reproduced below, and it is very satisfying to note that the Liturgy at that time was indeed a corporate offering of all the worshipers, whose intimate participation was an absolute necessity (as in all other coeval rites). No one could have been a passive spectator at “a mysterious ritual performed by the priest on behalf of others,” to quote R.F. Buxton [35], who further states in this regard, “between the eighth and fifteenth centuries the corporate community Mass in which all participated changed into an atomised multitude of individual low Masses, at which all but priest and assistant were really passive spectators.” This was of course a gradual process, part and parcel of the general “heterodoxization” of The West.

We now outline the structure of the Old Roman Rite, which we entitled The Divine Liturgy according to Saint Gelasius, Bishop of Rome:

Introit
Great Litany of Saint Gelasius [36]
Collects
O.T. Reading
Gradual
Epistle
Alleluia
Gospel
Sermon
Solemn Prayers of the Faithful [37]
Offertory
Secret
Preface and Sanctus-Benedictus
Canon:


Te igitur
Memento Domine
Communicantes
Hanc igitur
Quam oblationem
Qui pridie
Unde et memores
Supra quae propitio
Supplices Te rogamus
Nobis quoque
Per quem haec-Per ipsum


Lord’s Prayer
Kiss of Peace
Fraction and Commingling

Agnus Dei (VII. c)

Communion
Quod ore sumpsimus
Collect and Dismissal

 

This liturgy was printed for our use in January 1984 and has been celebrated in New York on January 25 and June 29 to date. It is not intended for regular Sunday use in the parishes of The Orthodox Church of France and for this reason the Creed is not included. It would be positioned after the Solemn Prayers. The Gloria was chanted after the Kyrie Litany when the Bishop was present and at Easter. Western Orthodox Parishes which desire to use the Old Roman Rite on a regular basis would chant the Creed and the Gloria according to the prevailing rubrics, in this case bypassing ancient legislation. Even though they are subsequent additions to the old structure, they in no manner upset the integrity of the old Roman Rite.

With regret we must omit any consideration of other rites at this time, notably the Mozarabic and Ambrosian, and leap into the third category of this paper: the current state of Western Orthodox affairs.

Earlier in this paper we stated that Western Orthodoxy is little understood, either inside or outside of The Orthodox Church. In addition to the reasons initially given for this situation, there are others of a different nature that we will now touch upon.

We do not see Western Orthodoxy as simply a Tridentine Mass or Cranmer Communion Service superimposed upon a Byzantine liturgical structure. A Rite is very much more than a Mass, and discussions of Western Orthodoxy cannot be limited to the subject of the epiclesis (38) or of the merits of the Saints. A rite is an entire liturgical structure, including the Mass, Lectionary, Sacramental forms, Devotional forms, Liturgical Music, Ordination and Blessing forms, Temporal and Sanctoral Calendars, Monastic uses: in other words, all the expressions and manifestations of Church life. These various manifestations are related to, and compliment each other intrinsically, together forming a congruous entity known as a Rite.

Thus, heterodox worship forms inserted into the Byzantine liturgical structure lose whatever integrity they possess, and rest most uncomfortably in a setting so alien to them. Heterodox forms represent quite a different thrust and theological focus, and inevitably require adjustments. Such forced liturgical hybridization, based upon certain imaginary needs and accommodations, is neither theologically or aesthetically satisfying, nor does it constitute a Western Rite or Western Orthodoxy. This approach, as we observe at present in America, is an unsuccessful experiment. It has basically amounted to the Byzantine observance minus the Byzantine Liturgy, its very culmination and synthesis.

Articles have appeared in our Orthodox journals, attempting to enlighten those interested in the subject of Western Orthodoxy. Unfortunately they have for the most part dealt with the American experiments to date. An encouraging departure from this norm appeared in St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly, Volume 26, Number 2 (1982) entitled “Some Perspectives on the Western Rite” by Winfield S. Mott. This author rightly describes a Rite as consisting of an entire liturgical structure, and the entire article is both interesting and reasonable. The reader, however, is not informed as to the “Western Rite” itself: which Liturgy is included within its infrastructure and context? What would, for example, form the corresponding infrastructure and context of the Tridentine, Anglican or Lutheran “living” Liturgies? Following the fine Mott article is a brief statement by George H. M. Dye which wrongly identifies Western Orthodox liturgical use with the effects of the Renaissance. Western Orthodox use involves Western Orthodox materials. Not included in this category is the Tridentine Mass, or ideally any uses after 800, for the several reasons given previously. Fr. Dye was obviously seeking Orthodoxy as expressed in a resolutely Occidental manner, which is altogether possible and desirable, but abandoned his search along the line. At the end of his statement he dismisses his quest, saying, “…we have no need for the fundamental problems that would be associated with a western rite in the Orthodox Church”.

In the same quarterly, Volume 24, Number 24 (1980) appeared a three-part article on the Western Rite. In the first, Fr. Meyendorff states that the cultural expressions of tenth-century Byzantium “are unequaled as an expression of the Tradition of the Church”. This declaration reveals an overview of condescension upon this subject, and the article, intended to introduce a “debate” on Western Orthodoxy, seems to approach the subject from a distance. The second article, by Dr. Andrew J. Sopko, is entitled, “Western Rite Orthodoxy: A Case Study and a Reappraisal”. The author, in his introduction, fails to adequately describe Western Orthodoxy, even what he believes it to be. The title of his article gives the reader an impression that he considers The Tridentine Mass altered and superimposed upon the Byzantine liturgical structure to constitute Western Orthodoxy. The parish whose short history is reviewed is at present an Eastern Orthodox parish, after having experimented with the impossible superimposition just described. The article contributes little to either an understanding of Western Orthodoxy or what is happening in the legitimate Western Orthodox centers. Lastly, the statement “…in Europe, western usage has also been oriented towards the Roman ‘shape’ with the inclusion of local variations” is completely in error, now, as it would have been if stated in Merovingian times. The third article, a closing statement by F. Schmemann, takes exception to some of Dr. Sopko’s conclusions. It is a lively presentation, as the readers of this outstanding theologian have come to expect. To mention, however, that Western liturgical development has always been shaped by a succession of theological clashes is somewhat exaggerated, especially when considering the period of Western Orthodox florescence, long before the Renaissance, the Reformation and Trent. Fr. Schmemann reveals no objection to Western Rite Orthodoxy, declaring wisely... to have such an objection would mean the loss by the Orthodox Church of her claims to universality.”

Two and three decades ago those participating in Western Orthodox life in America were favored with the superb articles of Fr. Alexander Tyler Turner, whose knowledge of this subject and of many others seems unsurpassed. Each issue of Orthodoxy was anxiously awaited and thoroughly read. A brilliant future was projected for Western Orthodoxy, largely based upon the enthusiastic and qualified thrust of Fr. Turner. It is truly unfortunate that his movement passed into history for all practical purposes, now deprived of his energy and focus. It has been reduced to a laboratory for “Western Rite experiments”. The non-expressed purpose appears to be eventual Byzantinization, revealing a type of counteruniatism in effect. For this reason, perhaps, the present leadership of the Western Rite Vicariate in America accepts as natural the failure of its Western Rite parishes to remain Western, often stating that this is to be expected [39].

We bring this paper to a close with a brief discussion of The Orthodox Church of France, a Western Orthodox Diocese under the leadership of a Western Orthodox Bishop, with parishes in France, Belgium, Spain, Germany, Switzerland, North and South America. Over 100 major clergy serve in the parishes, monasteries and missions. According to its statutes and declarations (issued in 1972 by Metr. Nicholas of The Patriarchate of Romania) it is “…an autonomous Church actually constituted in an autonomous Diocese, preserving its autonomy in spiritual and administrative questions, in its Use, and in the independence of its national interests” [40].

Relative to the Western Orthodox criteria outlined earlier in this paper, we are happy to give the following quote concerning the activities of The Orthodox Church of France. “It seeks to bring to light again the primitive sources of the local tradition which had (in time) been disfigured by historical accretions—the tradition which blossomed within the borders of the undivided Church during the first seven centuries...before the centralization effected by Charlemagne...” [41]. The success of The Orthodox Church of France is undoubtedly due to the theological and liturgical expertise of its first leader, Fr. Eugraph Kovalevsky (Bp. John), which was coupled with extraordinary determination and courage.

Since 1972 the Diocese is under the spiritual leadership of His Grace Bishop Germain, who was born in Stoke-on-Trent, England, on September 22, 1930. The Diocese sponsors theological education at its Institute of Saint-Denis in Paris, which opened on November 15, 1944. Among the first faculty members were Fr. Eugraph, Fr. Alexander Schmemann, Fr. Louis Bouyer, Fr. Lambert Beauduin and Vladimir Lossky. Nine courses are given during each of the two semesters per year; the current professors include The Bishop, Maxime Kovalevsky, Yvonne Winnaert, Fr. Pierre Deschamps, Igor Reznikov, Fr. Roger Michel Bret and Marie-Madeleine Davy. Iconography courses are given at the Saint Luke Workshop in Paris each week. The entire program of education of the Diocese is accredited by the Academy of Paris. Correspondance courses are given by means of printed texts and tape recordings (cassettes).

The quarterly journal of the Diocese is entitled Presence Orthodoxe, which includes a wide spectrum of subjects of general interest to Orthodox clergy and laity. Another publication in newspaper format contains articles and the parish chronicles. Editions Friant publishes texts of former and current theologians of the Diocese, and the printing of the complete service books has been under the direction of Maxime Kovalevsky. The complete history of The Orthodox Church of France is contained in two volumes entitled La Divine Contradiction by Vincent Bourne.

The old edifice at 96 Boulevard Auguste-Blanqui in Paris, built as the Old Catholic Church of Saint Denis (under Utrecht), on October 13, 1946, became the Western Orthodox Parish of Saint Irenee and in 1964 became the Cathedral of the Diocese.

With this brief outline of some of the activities of The Orthodox Church of France, we bring this paper to a close. We hope that the reader now has some new perspectives on Western Orthodoxy, as it is expressed and experienced in its full and dramatic splendor within The Orthodox Church of France—a veritable Orthodox reclamation from liturgical and ecclesiological points of view.

 

NOTES

1. In 1194 Theodore Balsamon, the rigidly pro-Byzantine canon lawyer with decidedly caesaropapistic inclinations, declared, “All the Churches of God ought to follow the custom of New Rome, that is, Constantinople”. Balsamon fiercely defended the rights of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and it is only natural that he defended the Rite of New Rome in such manner.

2. The evolution of the Byzantine Rite is covered in The Byzantine-Slav Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom by Casimir Kucharek (Alleluia Press, 1971) and The Byzantine Divine Liturgy by Melitius Michael Solovey (CUA Press, 1970).

3. Implied in Canon III of The Second Ecumenical Council and in Canon XXVIII of The Fourth Ecumenical Council.

4. The Oxford Dictionary of The Christian Church, whose entries are free of bias states the following (page 1173) on Roman Catholicism, “The term (Roman Catholicism), which denotes the faith and practice of all Christians who are in communion with the Pope, is used in particular of Catholicism as it has developed since the Reformation”. Since the declarations and precisions of Trent, Roman Catholicism is virtually a denomination.

5. Matthew 28:19-20.

6. Acts of The Apostles 2:41,44,46.

7. The great Merovingian Cathedral was discovered as excavation began for an underground parking lot directly in front of Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris.

8. Ephesians 4:3-6.

9. For instance Introduction to Liturgical Theology by Alexander Schmemann (Faith Press, 1966) covers the history of the Byzantine Synthesis. The origin and development of the Ordo are treated as profound problems and the liturgical situation of contemporary Orthodoxy is described as a profound liturgical crisis (page 21). The work proceeds somewhat philosophically and scientifically, and liturgical development is treated as a human phenomenon rather than a Divine manifestation.

10. In Christian Life and Worship by Gerald Ellard (Bruce Publishing Company, 1933) the Tridentine Mass, codified in 1570, is outlined. By that time, twenty-five Gallican prayers had been included in the Roman Mass, as well as several English, non-Roman Italian and Spanish prayers.

11. Well discussed in “Introits and Archetypes: Some Archaisms of the Old Roman Chant” by Thomas H. Connolly which appeared in the Journal of the American Musicological Society, Volume XXV, Number 2 (1972).

12. See Note 10.

13. The principal expressions of the faithful had fallen into disuse: The Great Kyrie-Litany was reduced to nine responses to no versicles, recited by the priest and perhaps sung by the choir, and The Solemn Prayers of the Faithful (The Diptychs) were reduced to Good Friday use.

14. The biography of Saint Germain, Bishop of Paris was written by Saint Venance Fortunat, Bishop of Poitiers. The complete text is given in Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 55-78.

15. Dom Edmond Martene (1654-1739) is best known for his monumental four-volume work De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, first published in Antwerp in 1736, reprinted in facsimile by Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim in 1969.

16. Father Pierre Le Brun (1661-1729) was one of the first specialists on the subject of the epiclesis. His principal liturgiological discoveries and commentaries are contained in Explication de la Messe, published in Paris in 1777 by Libraire Valade.

17. Patrologia Latina, Volumes 42, 58, 68, 72.

18.  Karl Joseph Hefele (1809-1893) wrote A History of the Ecclesiastical Councils (Konziliengeschichte) in seven volumes between 1855 and 1890. Volume II covers the Gallican Councils. Two additional volumes were contributed by Joseph Hergenröther.

19. The Missale Gothico-Gallicanum is reprinted in Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 225-318. The Missale Gallicanum Vetus is found in the same volume, columns 339-382. The Sacramentarium Gallicanum appears in the same volume, columns 447-580.

20. The Mono Missal, named for its publisher in 1850, is reprinted in Patrologia Latina, Volume 138. Scholars feel that this Missal is a fifth-century work originating in Auxerre.

21. The Stowe Missal is the oldest-known Celtic Missal, possibly a sixth-century work. It is so named because it remained for a very long period in the library of Stowe House in England. This Missal was reprinted in two volumes by the Henry Bradshaw Society, 1906 and 1915.

22. The Luxeuil Lectionary, a sixth or seventh century MS representing the use of Luxeuil Abbey (founded by Saint Columbanus), was reprinted in 1944 by P. Salmon, O.S.B. It was first discovered by Dom Mabillon in 1683.

23. The Autun Lectionary, representing the use of the Abbey of Saint Symphorien at Autun was discovered and reprinted by Dom Germain Morin (1861-1946) in the Revue Benedictine.

24. The Bangor Antiphonary represents the use of Bangor Abbey (Ireland) and dates from the late seventh century. It is the only known surviving liturgical authority for the choir office in the Celtic Church, and is found in Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 583-608.

25. For instance, The Ancient Liturgy of The Church by Neale and Forbes (1855), Liturgie Gallicane des huits premiers siècles de l’Eglise by L. Marochesi (1869), The Early Gallican Liturgy by H. Lucas (1893). Also in the works of Duchesne, Ferotin, Batiffol, Thibaut, Jenner, Lowe, Capelle, Baumstark, Chadwick and others.

26. The structure and the spirit of the Divine Liturgy according to Saint Germain of Paris are preserved in its current use. The very few interpolations, while not found in the MS, are entirely subservient to the original structure and entirely in the same spirit. Such texts and chants serve to accompany actions and gestures which have proved useful, if not necessary, in our time. Archaeologists have criticized these interpolations, while liturgical theologians have understood them as desirable concessions to current needs, tastefully accomplished.

27. Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 250-251. Each of the five entries mentions the Saint by name.

28. Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 171-216.

29. Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 99-168.

30. Patrologia Latina, Volume 72, columns 317-340.

31. Patrologia Latina, Volume 163.

32. See Note 16. The fourth dissertation, beginning on page 228, covers the ancient liturgy of the Churches of Gaul.

33. Edmund Bishop (1846-1917) is best known for his work The Genius of The Roman Rite, which, along with some of his other studies, appear in Liturgica Historica (1918). One of Bishop’s closest friends was Dom Andre Wilmart (1876-1941), a monk of Solesmes, best known for his edition of the Bobbio Missal (1924).

34. Fr. Jungmann’s text, known in English as The Mass of The Roman Rite, first published in 1951, was reprinted in 1980 by Christian Classics, Westminster, MD., and his The Early Liturgy, written in 1949, was published by The University of Notre Dame Press in 1959.

35. See Eucharist and Institution Narrative by Richard F. Buxton (Alcuin Club Collections Number 58). Our quotations are found on page 45.

36. The translation we use in our Roman Mass is that of Fr. Brunner, who provided the English version of Fr. Jungmann’s The Mass of The Roman Rite (pages 224-226 for The Great Litany of Saint Gelasius).

37. The Solemn Prayers are found in any Tridentine Missal as part of the Good Friday ritual. They are set to the ancient Roman tone in the Tridentine Altar Missal (found on pages 155-162 in the Benziger edition).

38. There has been considerable commotion over the epiclesis in Western Rite studies and discussions, which we feel is quite unnecessary. An excellent and revealing text on this subject is Eucharist and Holy Spirit by John H. McKenna (Alcuin Club Collections, Number 57). This text will enlighten those who would add an additional epiclesis to a Canon, not recognizing the one already present.

39. From time to time there appears a brief report on the Western Rite Parishes of The Antiochian Archdiocese at their annual National Assemblies, the minutes of which are published in The Word.

40. These two quotes are found in Yearbook of The Orthodox Church.

41. 1978 edition (Verlag Alex Proc. Munich) in the entry concerning The Orthodox Church of France (Patriarchate of Romania), pages 142-144.

 

Source: AXIOS: The Orthodox Journal, Vol. 4, Nos. 7 and 8, 1984, pp. 4-11.

 

The Importance of the Orthodox Ethos and Religious Tolerance in the Face of the Threat of Political Ecumenism to Orthodox Self-Identity

by Bishop Auxentios of Photiki [now of Etna and Portland] Source: Orthodox Tradition , Vol. XVIII (2001), No. 3, pp. 18-26.     Mo...