Wednesday, October 28, 2026

Outline and Summary of “The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill”

ChatGPT-6.0 generated on October 28, 2026, per a reader’s request.

 

 

Silouan Wright and Panagiotis Makris | 915-page PDF | 34 chapters, 10 parts, 2 appendices

I. General Overview

The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill: Actions Contrary to the Orthodox Faith is an extensive theological and canonical critique of Patriarch Kirill (Gundyayev) of Moscow and All Russia. Its authors argue that his public teachings, ecclesiastical activities, and relationship with the Russian state constitute departures from Orthodox doctrine and the received tradition of the Church.

The work is particularly concerned with the apparent contradiction between the Moscow Patriarchate's reputation as a defender of traditional Orthodoxy and its actual involvement in ecumenism, religious universalism, political nationalism, and the theological justification of warfare.

Its central thesis is that Patriarch Kirill has publicly preached and promoted teachings contrary to the Orthodox Faith and that Orthodox Christians consequently have canonical grounds to cease commemorating him under Canon 15 of the First-Second Council of Constantinople (861), without waiting for his formal synodal condemnation.

The authors also insist upon an important qualification: cessation of commemoration must not be confused with establishing a separate ecclesiastical jurisdiction, declaring the Mysteries of the Moscow Patriarchate graceless, or joining a parallel Orthodox hierarchy.

Their proposed solution is therefore resistance to what they identify as heresy while preserving canonical ecclesiastical order.

The book's argument proceeds through three broad stages:

  1. Documentation of the alleged departures from Orthodoxy: Kirill's relationship with Rome, ecumenism, his Soviet inheritance, Russian nationalism, and his theology of war.
  2. Theological and canonical justification for resistance: the teaching of the Fathers, historical examples of cessation of commemoration, and the relationship between heresy, synodal condemnation, and ecclesiastical communion.
  3. Practical application: the situation of ROCOR, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the danger of schismatic alternatives, and the responsibility of clergy and laity to defend Orthodox doctrine.

The introduction states that the authors have assembled more than 100 direct citations from Patriarch Kirill and over 1,000 passages from patristic, conciliar, canonical, and contemporary Orthodox sources. Many of Kirill's statements are reproduced in Russian, with references to official Moscow Patriarchate publications.

The work is thus a substantial anti-ecumenist and ecclesiological polemic, not merely a criticism of the Russian government's conduct in Ukraine.

II. Detailed Outline of the Book

The following outline preserves the book's ten-part organization and all 34 chapter titles. Page references are to the uploaded PDF.

Part I. Ecumenism with Rome (Chapters 1–4, pp. 17–80)

Chapter 1. Recognition of the Pope (pp. 17–39)

Examines Patriarch Kirill's February 2016 meeting with Pope Francis in Havana. The authors criticize the encounter, the exchange of the traditional Christian kiss, and the ecclesiastical recognition they believe these gestures imply. They invoke St. Paisios the Athonite, St. Justin Popovich, St. Mark of Ephesus, St. Symeon of Thessalonica, and the 1980 Athonite declaration against compromising dialogue with Rome.

Chapter 2. The Havana Declaration (pp. 40–62)

Analyzes the joint declaration signed by Kirill and Francis. The authors argue that its references to Christian unity, Catholic ecclesiastical identity, and shared Christian witness compromise Orthodox ecclesiology. They particularly object to language suggesting that the Orthodox Church and Roman Catholicism constitute two ecclesiastical bodies requiring reunion.

Chapter 3. The Selective Standard: Havana vs Crete (pp. 63–72)

Compares the response of anti-ecumenist Orthodox Christians to the 2016 Council of Crete with their response to Kirill's Havana Declaration. The authors contend that many who denounced Crete remained conspicuously silent about Moscow's comparable, or more serious, concessions to ecumenism.

Chapter 4. The Permanent Partnership with Rome (pp. 73–80)

Documents continued Moscow–Vatican cooperation after Havana, including Kirill's response to the death of Pope Francis and his correspondence with Pope Leo XIV. The authors argue that Kirill's ecumenical activities constitute an enduring ecclesiastical policy rather than an isolated diplomatic incident.

Central argument: The Moscow Patriarchate should be judged by the same anti-ecumenist standards applied to Constantinople. Russian ecclesiastical affiliation does not exempt its hierarchs from the canonical and patristic tradition.

Part II. Religious Universalism (Chapters 5–8, pp. 81–175)

Chapter 5. Muslims and Orthodox Pray to the Same God (pp. 81–102)

Presents Kirill's statements concerning the relationship between Orthodox Christianity and Islam, particularly his assertion that Muslims and Orthodox Christians pray to the same God. The authors interpret this as a doctrinal departure from Orthodox Trinitarian theology. They contrast his statements with St. John of Damascus and Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev.

Chapter 6. Recognizing Roman Catholic Saints and Sacred Spaces (pp. 103–117)

Examines Kirill's recognition of Roman Catholic sacred objects, places, and religious figures, including the reception of Catholic relics. The authors argue that ecclesiastical recognition of sanctity outside Orthodoxy undermines the traditional doctrine of the Church as the unique ark of salvation.

Chapter 7. The World Council of Churches: "The Cradle of a United Church" (pp. 118–152)

An extensive examination of Moscow's participation in the World Council of Churches, Kirill's involvement in the ecumenical movement, and the theological assumptions behind WCC membership. Particular attention is given to ROCOR's historical anti-ecumenist witness, Metropolitan Philaret's Sorrowful Epistles, and the 1983 Anathema Against Ecumenism.

Chapter 8. Praying with Monophysites (pp. 153–175)

Investigates Kirill's religious encounters with Armenian Apostolic hierarchs. The authors argue that common prayer with non-Chalcedonian clergy violates the prohibitions against prayer with heretics, particularly Apostolic Canon 45 and related canonical legislation.

Central argument: The authors regard Kirill's teaching and activities as expressions of an ecclesiological universalism that diminishes the exclusive claims of Orthodox Christianity.

Part III. Sergianism, KGB, and the Soviet Legacy (Chapters 9–13, pp. 176–349)

Chapter 9. Glorifying Sergianism and the KGB Church (pp. 176–238)

One of the book's longest and most historically significant chapters.

The authors examine Metropolitan Sergius's 1927 Declaration of Loyalty to the Soviet government, the response of the Russian confessors and New Martyrs, and Kirill's subsequent defense of Sergius as a faithful churchman.

They contrast Kirill's presentation with the testimony of Metropolitan Joseph of Petrograd, Metropolitan Cyril of Kazan, Bishop Victor of Glazov, and other hierarchs who rejected Sergius's ecclesiastical policies.

The chapter argues that Kirill has effectively rehabilitated Sergianism rather than repudiating the accommodation of the Church to a persecuting state.

Chapter 10. "Eternal Memory" for the Anathematized (pp. 239–247)

Criticizes the liturgical commemoration of figures associated with Soviet ecclesiastical compromise, especially Metropolitan Sergius. The authors discuss the significance of proclaiming "Memory Eternal" in the Church's liturgical tradition and the distinction between commemorating Orthodox confessors and honoring those judged to have betrayed them.

Chapter 11. "Viva Cuba!" Kirill, Cuba, and Fidel Castro (pp. 248–268)

Examines Kirill's relations with Fidel Castro and communist Cuba. The authors argue that his favorable treatment of Castro demonstrates the continuing Sergianist tendency to prioritize political alliances over the Church's confession against atheistic communism.

Chapter 12. Denying the Ottoman Neomartyrs (pp. 269–275)

Criticizes statements by Kirill concerning Christian life under Ottoman rule. The authors contend that these statements minimize or contradict the historical witness of the Orthodox Neomartyrs who suffered persecution and martyrdom.

Chapter 13. KGB and the DECR (pp. 276–349)

Another particularly extensive chapter. It investigates the Soviet intelligence services' penetration of the Moscow Patriarchate and its Department for External Church Relations, which Kirill headed from 1989 to 2009.

The authors draw upon archival documentation, testimonies of former Soviet officials, the Mitrokhin Archive, and historical studies of religious institutions during the Soviet period.

They argue that the relationship between the Moscow Patriarchate and Soviet state security was institutional and systematic, not merely occasional collaboration by individual clergymen.

Central argument: Sergianism did not end with the Soviet Union. The authors regard Kirill's ecclesiastical policies as evidence of its continued influence within the Moscow Patriarchate.

Part IV. Nationalism and Heavenly Citizenship (Chapters 14–15, pp. 350–392)

Chapter 14. Russian World Ethnophyletism (pp. 350–372)

Examines the ideology of the Russkiy Mir ("Russian World"), particularly the assertion that Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians constitute one historical and spiritual people.

The authors compare this ideology with the condemnation of ethnophyletism by the Council of Constantinople in 1872.

They distinguish legitimate patriotism from the elevation of national or ethnic identity into an ecclesiological principle.

Chapter 15. Uranopolitism vs Nationalism (pp. 373–392)

Develops the teaching of Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev concerning heavenly citizenship, or uranopolitism.

According to this understanding, Christians belong principally to the Kingdom of Heaven rather than to any earthly nationality.

The authors contrast Sysoev's teachings with Kirill's presentation of Russian national identity and Russia's supposedly unique spiritual mission.

Central argument: The Church transcends ethnicity, nation, and political civilization. No state or national identity can become a substitute for the unity of Orthodox faith.

Part V. War Theology and Holy Russia (Chapters 16–22, pp. 393–563)

This is the book's largest sustained theological argument against Patriarch Kirill's support for Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Chapter 16. Does Dying in War Wash Away All Our Sins? (pp. 393–433)

Examines Kirill's September 25, 2022, statement concerning soldiers who die in military service and the forgiveness of their sins.

The authors argue that death in battle cannot automatically confer forgiveness of sins or the spiritual benefits associated with Christian martyrdom.

They develop this argument through Orthodox soteriology, repentance, the penitential canons, and St. Basil the Great's teaching on killing in warfare.

Chapter 17. Can War Be Called Holy? (pp. 434–456)

Criticizes the theological designation of the conflict in Ukraine as a "Holy War." The chapter also investigates the theological justification of nuclear weapons and interpretations of Russia as the katechon, the power restraining the Antichrist.

The authors argue that the sacralization of military violence contradicts Orthodox teaching.

Chapter 18. The Canonical Verdict: Clergy in Military Affairs (pp. 457–462)

Applies Apostolic Canons 6, 81, and 83 to the involvement of clergy in military and political affairs. The chapter distinguishes legitimate pastoral ministry to soldiers from participation in, or endorsement of, military operations.

Chapter 19. When Can War Be Considered Self-Defense? (pp. 463–487)

Examines the circumstances in which armed defense may be permitted by Orthodox moral teaching.

The authors employ the examples of the Russian saints, Metropolitan Anthony Khrapovitsky, Sts. Boris and Gleb, and St. Basil's canonical tradition.

They conclude that the invasion of Ukraine cannot be justified as legitimate Christian self-defense.

Chapter 20. The Heavenly Kingdom: St. Lazar's Choice (pp. 488–495)

Uses the example of the Serbian Prince-Martyr Lazar and the Battle of Kosovo as a theological counterpoint to Russian war ideology.

The authors emphasize the saint's preference for the Heavenly Kingdom over earthly power and political victory.

Chapter 21. What Happens to Priests Who Pray for Peace? (pp. 496–507)

Documents disciplinary action taken against clergy who opposed the war or refused prescribed liturgical prayers.

The authors view these measures as evidence that political allegiance has displaced freedom of Orthodox confession within the Moscow Patriarchate.

Chapter 22. What Did Patriarch Kirill Bless? (pp. 508–563)

Examines the human consequences of the war: civilian deaths, destruction of homes, damaged churches, the suffering of Ukrainian Orthodox clergy, and the suppression of antiwar opposition.

The authors connect these events to Kirill's public endorsement of the war and his refusal to repudiate its religious justification.

Central argument: The theology of the "Russian World" has progressed beyond nationalism into a form of political soteriology, in which sacrifice for the state is presented as spiritually salvific.

Part VI. The Case for Cessation (Chapters 23–26, pp. 564–729)

The principal ecclesiological and canonical section

Chapter 23. The Saints Who Ceased Commemoration (pp. 564–611)

This chapter argues that cessation of commemoration before synodal condemnation is an established practice within Orthodox Tradition.

The authors assemble examples from the lives of St. Maximus the Confessor, St. Hypatius, St. Mark of Ephesus, the Russian New Martyrs, and other confessors.

They examine the meaning of liturgical commemoration and argue that commemorating a hierarch expresses ecclesiastical communion with that hierarch.

Special attention is given to Canon 15 of the First-Second Council, Metropolitan Sergius's 1930 position against non-commemorators, and the historical position of ROCOR.

Chapter 24. On Heresy, Synods, and Right Belief (pp. 612–667)

Investigates how heresy is recognized and what authority is necessary to identify it.

The chapter maintains that a synod does not create heresy by condemning it; rather, synodal judgments formally recognize and condemn doctrinal errors already contrary to the received Orthodox Faith.

The authors distinguish the recognition of a heretical teaching from formal ecclesiastical deposition or excommunication.

Chapter 25. Why Communion with Heresy Requires Separation (pp. 668–700)

Develops the argument that communion with publicly preached heresy carries spiritual consequences, even when the communicant does not personally subscribe to the error.

The authors distinguish between the objective existence of the Mysteries and the spiritually harmful consequences of receiving them within a context of heretical ecclesiastical communion.

They also explicitly reject the Donatist proposition that a minister's personal sin automatically invalidates the Mysteries.

Chapter 26. "You're Not a Saint" (pp. 701–729)

Responds to objections that only saints, elders, or bishops possess the authority to cease commemoration.

The authors maintain that the canonical right of resistance is not restricted to persons possessing exceptional holiness.

They also address the situations of believers who remain in compromised ecclesiastical circumstances through ignorance, necessity, or lack of alternatives. The chapter distinguishes pastoral accommodation from the stricter standard that the authors regard as normative.

Central argument: Resistance to public heresy, including cessation of commemoration before conciliar judgment, can be canonically justified without declaring a hierarch formally deposed or establishing a separate ecclesiastical body.

Part VII. Ukraine: Canonical Witness (Chapters 27–28, pp. 730–749)

Chapter 27. Understanding the Ukrainian Churches (pp. 730–739)

Distinguishes the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), headed by Metropolitan Onuphry, from the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), established through Constantinople's intervention.

The authors reject the canonical legitimacy of the OCU and defend the ecclesiastical standing of Metropolitan Onuphry.

Chapter 28. The UOC Ceases Commemoration (pp. 740–749)

Examines the cessation of Patriarch Kirill's commemoration within the UOC following the 2022 invasion.

The authors emphasize the Council of May 27, 2022, and the appeal signed by hundreds of Ukrainian priests calling for canonical action concerning Kirill.

The UOC is presented as a contemporary example of resistance to a compromised patriarch without submitting to the rival jurisdiction created by Constantinople.

Central argument: The faithful can reject both Moscow's theological departures and Constantinople's canonical intervention. The authors consider the UOC's position an example of this distinction.

Part VIII. Against Misuse (Chapters 29–30, pp. 750–789)

Chapter 29. Correct Critique Is Not a Bridge to Schism (pp. 750–771)

Warns against using legitimate criticism of Patriarch Kirill to justify joining the OCU or independent traditionalist jurisdictions.

The authors criticize Sister Vassa Larin, Archimandrite Cyril Hovorun, and the Old Calendarist movement, arguing that their responses to ecclesiastical disorders introduce additional canonical problems.

Nevertheless, the authors acknowledge that the failures of the official ecclesiastical authorities have helped create the conditions in which traditionalist divisions arise.

Chapter 30. In Defense of the Moscow Patriarchate Saints (pp. 772–789)

Addresses the fact that certain revered Russian churchmen defended or accommodated Sergianism.

The authors examine Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev, Elder John Krestiankin, and St. Luke of Crimea.

Drawing upon St. Photius and St. Barsanuphius, they argue that even saints may hold mistaken opinions without losing their sanctity.

Central argument: Opposition to heresy must not become an indiscriminate rejection of the saints, clergy, faithful, and Mysteries associated with a compromised ecclesiastical administration.

Part IX. The COVID Protocols (Chapters 31–32, pp. 790–821)

Chapter 31. The COVID Orders (pp. 790–801)

Examines the liturgical and pastoral directives adopted under Kirill during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The authors object particularly to the disinfection of Communion spoons, restrictions upon venerating sacred objects, limitations on church attendance, and the spiritual interpretation of such measures.

They argue that these policies compromised Orthodox Eucharistic teaching.

Chapter 32. Blessed Disobedience or Evil Obedience? (pp. 802–821)

Examines the canonical and spiritual limits of obedience to ecclesiastical superiors.

The authors distinguish legitimate ecclesiastical obedience from submission to commands that contradict Orthodox doctrine or the received tradition of the Church.

They invoke St. John Chrysostom, St. Theodore the Studite, St. Paisios, and the canonical tradition to argue that fidelity to the Faith takes precedence over unconditional obedience to individual hierarchs.

Central argument: Obedience to the Church cannot be equated with unquestioning obedience to ecclesiastical officeholders.

Part X. The Defense of Faith Over Institution (Chapters 33–34, pp. 822–870)

Chapter 33. Joe Wilson (pp. 822–861)

Examines the controversy arising from American Congressman Joe Wilson's November 2025 statements concerning ROCOR and possible Russian intelligence influence.

Particular attention is paid to Bishop Luke of Syracuse's response and the broader defense of ROCOR by its supporters.

The authors contrast the rapid institutional response to political criticism with what they consider the absence of equally forceful opposition to Kirill's theological errors.

They argue that ecclesiastical reputation has been defended more vigorously than Orthodox doctrine.

Chapter 34. "Tell Him His Fault Between You and Him Alone"? (pp. 862–870)

Examines the common argument that criticism of hierarchs must begin privately, according to Matthew 18:15–16.

The authors distinguish private personal offenses from publicly taught doctrinal errors.

They argue that public heresy can require public opposition and that the obligation to preserve the Faith must not be nullified by an inappropriate application of the Gospel's instructions for private correction.

Central argument: The defense of Orthodoxy must take precedence over institutional reputation, ecclesiastical diplomacy, and misplaced appeals to obedience.

Conclusion and Appendices (pp. 871–915)

Conclusion (pp. 871–883)

Recapitulates the accusations concerning ecumenism, Sergianism, nationalism, war, and liturgical compromise. The authors call clergy and laity to reject indifference, recognize the canonical legitimacy of cessation of commemoration, and defend the Orthodox Faith without creating new schisms.

Appendix A. On Consensus Patrum (pp. 884–897)

Explains the authors' understanding of the consensus of the Fathers as the authoritative criterion for determining Orthodox doctrine.

It distinguishes patristic theological authority from academic qualifications, institutional rank, or majority opinion.

Appendix B. The Canonical Case Against the OCU (pp. 898–914)

Presents the authors' arguments against the canonical legitimacy of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. It examines Constantinople's jurisdiction, the deposition of Filaret Denysenko, the episcopal succession of participating bodies, and the legitimacy of the 2019 Tomos of Autocephaly.

III. The Most Important Ecclesiological Teachings

Beyond its criticisms of Patriarch Kirill, the book contains a fairly elaborate ecclesiology. Six particular positions deserve attention.

1. Heresy exists before synodal condemnation

The authors repeatedly insist upon a distinction between the existence of doctrinal error and its formal canonical condemnation.

Their position can be summarized as follows:

  • Heresy is recognizable through its contradiction of the received Orthodox Faith.
  • A synod possesses authority to pronounce ecclesiastical judgments, including deposition and excommunication.
  • Nevertheless, heresy does not become heresy only when a synod condemns it.
  • Therefore, Orthodox Christians may recognize and resist publicly preached heresy before a synod has formally acted.

For the authors, Canon 15 does not require a prior conciliar condemnation of the particular hierarch or his particular teaching in order to justify cessation of commemoration.

This distinction is fundamental to their treatment of the Russian New Martyrs, St. Maximus the Confessor, St. Hypatius, and Patriarch Kirill.

2. Cessation of commemoration is not equivalent to deposition

The book distinguishes between two different ecclesiastical acts.

Cessation of commemoration

Formal synodal judgment

May precede conciliar examination

Results from ecclesiastical adjudication

Expresses refusal of communion with publicly preached heresy

Determines canonical guilt and penalties

Does not itself remove a bishop from office

May depose or excommunicate a bishop

Does not establish a new hierarchy

Can formally regulate ecclesiastical governance

The authors maintain that a bishop may remain an officeholder in the external canonical order even when clergy and faithful have sufficient grounds to refuse his commemoration.

Consequently, their position does not require the conclusion that Kirill has already been formally deprived of his episcopal office.

3. Communion with heresy can cause spiritual contamination without automatically invalidating the Mysteries

Chapter 25 is especially important here.

The authors explicitly distinguish between the Donatist understanding of sacramental invalidity and their own understanding of contamination through ecclesiastical communion.

They reject the proposition that a priest's personal moral unworthiness necessarily renders his sacramental actions invalid.

However, they argue that communion with a hierarch publicly professing heresy can defile participation in the Mysteries and compromise their saving benefit.

This means that the authors recognize a difference between:

  • The objective reality of a Mystery.
  • The orthodoxy of the ecclesiastical context in which it is celebrated.
  • The spiritual condition of the person receiving it.
  • The saving or condemnatory consequences of participation.

They do not maintain that the Moscow Patriarchate has automatically become devoid of sacramental grace.

Their argument is instead that real Mysteries can be approached in spiritually harmful circumstances.

This is the book's interpretation of the patristic teaching concerning contamination (μολυσμός) through communion with heresy.

4. Pastoral accommodation does not abolish the stricter canonical standard

Chapter 26 addresses people who remain in ecclesiastical communion with compromised hierarchs because of ignorance, spiritual weakness, or the absence of an accessible alternative.

The authors cite Metropolitan Cyril of Kazan and Bishop Artemije of Raška-Prizren as precedents for pastoral accommodation.

They argue that such accommodation may be legitimate, without making the compromised situation the theological ideal.

Accordingly, they distinguish between knowingly participating in communion they regard as contaminated and receiving the Mysteries under circumstances of ignorance or necessity.

There is an evident tension here between the book's categorical language about separation from heresy and its acknowledgment of legitimate pastoral exceptions. Its treatment of this tension is one of the most significant questions for a careful ecclesiological reading.

5. Opposition to heresy does not justify parallel ecclesiastical jurisdictions

The authors regard cessation of commemoration as a means of resisting heresy while maintaining canonical ecclesiastical order.

They specifically reject using it as the basis for establishing alternative hierarchies.

Chapter 29 is especially explicit on this point.

The authors criticize the Old Calendarist movement, asserting that its response to modernism and ecumenism eventually produced unjustified parallel ecclesiastical structures.

At the same time, they concede that the failures of the official Orthodox hierarchies have contributed to these divisions.

The authors propose the examples of St. Paisios the Athonite and Metropolitan Augoustinos Kantiotes as preferable models: resisting ecumenism without transferring allegiance to a separate traditionalist synod.

This is a major feature of the book's ecclesiology and distinguishes its program from that of many traditionalist Orthodox groups.

6. The saints may be mistaken in particular matters without ceasing to be saints

Chapter 30 offers an important qualification to the authors' extensive appeal to patristic consensus.

They acknowledge that holy persons have occasionally expressed mistaken opinions or defended problematic ecclesiastical policies.

Consequently, individual statements by saints cannot always be treated as definitive expressions of Orthodox doctrine.

The authors use this distinction to explain how certain Russian saints or revered elders could have defended Sergianism without necessarily forfeiting their sanctity.

Their principle is that the broader consensus of the Fathers must take precedence over isolated and potentially mistaken statements by individual holy persons.

IV. Particular Significance for ROCOR

One of the book's most important underlying purposes is to challenge ROCOR's contemporary relationship with the Moscow Patriarchate.

The authors argue that ROCOR once maintained a principled separation from Metropolitan Sergius and his successors because of their accommodation of Soviet power.

They invoke Metropolitan Anastassy's testimony, Metropolitan Philaret's anti-ecumenist writings, the 1971 ROCOR Council, and the 1983 Anathema Against Ecumenism.

They then contrast this historical resistance with ROCOR's restoration of communion with Moscow in 2007 and its continued commemoration of Patriarch Kirill.

Their essential argument is that the ecclesiastical principles once invoked to justify separation from Sergius should be applied consistently to Kirill.

The book therefore raises three questions about ROCOR:

  1. If Soviet political accommodation justified prolonged ecclesiastical separation, why does the contemporary justification of military aggression not warrant a comparable response?
  2. How can ROCOR reconcile its historical condemnation of ecumenism with communion with a patriarch whose activities the authors consider ecumenist?
  3. Does continued liturgical commemoration of Kirill imply an ecclesiastical responsibility that ROCOR has not adequately acknowledged?

The authors recognize that individual ROCOR hierarchs and clergy have criticized the war and supported suffering Ukrainians. Nevertheless, they regard the Synod's continued commemoration of Kirill as an unresolved ecclesiastical contradiction.

Their concern is therefore not simply ROCOR's failure to condemn Russian military actions. It is the question of whether ROCOR has abandoned the ecclesiastical principles upon which its historical resistance to Sergianism rested.

V. The Authors' Overall Ecclesiological Position

The entire work can be reduced to five interconnected propositions:

1. The Faith precedes institutional authority.

Hierarchs and synods must be evaluated according to Holy Tradition, rather than making their official decisions the ultimate criterion of Orthodoxy.

2. Public heresy can be recognized before formal condemnation.

Orthodox Christians need not await a synodal judgment before identifying and resisting openly preached doctrinal errors.

3. Cessation of commemoration is a legitimate canonical defense.

The authors regard it as the appropriate response to Kirill's public teachings, without presuming to depose him.

4. Resistance must not become schism.

The rejection of heresy does not authorize independent hierarchies, indiscriminate declarations of gracelessness, or the repudiation of saints associated with compromised ecclesiastical administrations.

5. The faithful have a responsibility to defend Orthodoxy.

This responsibility extends beyond the episcopate to priests, monastics, and laypeople, and includes the obligation to speak against publicly taught errors.

VI. Assessment of the Work

The book is distinctive in several respects.

First, it combines traditional anti-ecumenist ecclesiology with a forceful rejection of Russian religious nationalism and the theological justification of warfare. The authors do not regard opposition to Western religious liberalism as sufficient evidence of fidelity to Orthodox Tradition.

Second, they make considerable use of Russian Orthodox witnesses against the present Moscow Patriarchate. By citing the Russian New Martyrs, ROCOR hierarchs, St. Ignatius Brianchaninov, Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev, and other Russian authorities, they seek to demonstrate that their criticism does not arise from hostility toward the Russian people or Russian Orthodoxy.

Third, their ecclesiology is deliberately opposed to two different tendencies: accommodation of openly preached heresy within established ecclesiastical institutions, and the establishment of separate traditionalist ecclesiastical bodies in response to such accommodation.

Fourth, their treatment of the Mysteries is more qualified than their uncompromising criticism of Kirill might initially suggest. They do not simply assert that communion with a compromised hierarch automatically renders every sacrament invalid.

There are also important interpretive questions to consider.

The authors' argument that a teaching constitutes heresy is not identical to an established conciliar determination that it does. Their historical quotations, documentary evidence, and canonical conclusions should therefore be distinguished from one another.

Similarly, the volume frequently moves from historical instances of resistance to broader assertions about what all Orthodox Christians ought to do. Whether those historical cases establish a universally binding obligation requires additional canonical analysis.

Finally, the authors' reliance upon the consensus patrum is central to the whole project. The sheer number of patristic quotations is impressive, but a genuine consensus must also be established through careful attention to context, canonical circumstances, and the authority of particular witnesses—not simply by accumulating statements that support a conclusion.

These observations do not negate the significance of the book. They identify where its central ecclesiological arguments require the closest examination.

VII. Final Summary

The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill is fundamentally a work about the relationship between Orthodox doctrine, ecclesiastical authority, and the obligation to resist heresy.

Patriarch Kirill serves as the principal case study, but the underlying questions extend to the Orthodox Church as a whole.

Can a patriarch publicly depart from Orthodox teaching while retaining his canonical office? Can clergy and faithful recognize and resist such departures before a synod intervenes? Does continued commemoration implicate them in his errors? Can they withdraw from that communion without forming a schism? And how can the Church preserve her unity without confusing unity with unconditional obedience to ecclesiastical authorities?

The authors answer by appealing to the canonical legitimacy of cessation of commemoration, the continuing responsibility of the faithful to preserve the Orthodox confession, and the rejection of parallel ecclesiastical jurisdictions.

For a reader principally interested in Orthodox ecclesiology rather than the political controversy surrounding Patriarch Kirill, Chapters 23–26 and 29–30, together with Appendix A, constitute the most substantial and directly relevant portion of the book.

These chapters contain its principal treatment of Canon 15, the relationship between heresy and synodal judgment, contamination through ecclesiastical communion, the validity of the Mysteries, pastoral accommodation, and the distinction between legitimate resistance and schism.

The remaining chapters supply the factual and theological accusations intended to demonstrate why the authors believe those principles should be applied specifically to Patriarch Kirill.

 

Tuesday, October 27, 2026

“A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.”

Because some unjustly accuse contemporary Saints, such as…, for not discerning the malice of Patriarch Bartholomew, let them hear the following relevant explanation of a Saint:

A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.

They deceive themselves who speak self-confidently that they know men well enough, and that they do not allow themselves to be deceived. Who can know what kind of spirit is in a man—except only God, Who knows the secrets of the heart? Even the great saints were mistaken about people. For example: for a long time, St. Basil considered a certain hypocritical heretic to be a holy man, and he defended him from many attackers until, finally, convinced of the heretic’s falseness, Basil was bitterly disappointed. St. Gregory the Theologian baptized a certain philosopher, Maximus by name, and liked him so much that he kept the philosopher in his home, sharing his table with him. However, this Maximus was as dangerous and cunning as a serpent. After a period of time, through intrigue and bribes, Maximus convinced numerous Constantinopolitans to recognize him as patriarch in place of St. Gregory. When, after great confusion, this trial was removed, some rebuked Gregory for having kept his greatest enemy with him. The saint replied: “We are not to blame if we do not discern someone’s evil. God alone knows the inner secrets of a man. And we are told by the commandments to open our hearts with fatherly love to all who come to us.” A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.

- St. Nikolai Velimirović, The Prologue from Ohrid, January 25.

 


St. Anthony of Kiev to Hieroschemamonk Theodosius on the Calendar Reform: “I completely disagree with your arguments…”

Letter No. 99 | April 18, 1932

 

 

Truly, Christ is Risen!

Rejoice! It is heard everywhere that the Greeks want to return to the old calendar and then your bewilderment will end. Of course, I completely disagree with your arguments: the question remains as to what to recognize as Holy Tradition, and recognizing its violation by, say, the Greeks, one must raise another question as to whether such a violation deserves ecclesiastical disunity [1] or only admonition. You, father, are one step away from falling into prelest; [2] may the Mother of God protect you from further steps. I am writing to you, as a benevolent friend, so you do not ruin your 40-year-old pódvig [3] by splitting with the Church on the basis of external formalism, which is, moreover, arbitrary. The new calendar is no less repugnant to me than for you, but even more repugnant is the separation from Orthodoxy and its hierarchy by self-willed monks. However, God willing, this will soon end successfully with the victory of the old calendar over the new. Of course, I was not invited to the Council. [4] The Greeks hate me for not sympathizing with their insolence, and do not even mention my name in their correspondence about the conciliar affairs to come. I have mentioned nothing but the most disapproving comments on the new calendar, and do not want to interfere in this matter.

I ask your holy prayers and remain your well-wisher.

Metropolitan Antony

 

NOTES

1. Ecclesiastical disunity refers to αποτείχιση (apoteíchisi), or “walling off,” as prescribed by Canon 15 of the First-Second Synod of Constantinople (861).

2. Prelest (прелесть) is spiritual delusion or deception.

3. Pódvig (по́двиг), in this context, is an ascetic struggle.

4. This refers to the upcoming Eighth Ecumenical Synod, which never occurred. Constantinople had promised the monks of Mount Athos in 1927 that the imposition of the new calendar was provisional, and the new calendar would be evaluated at the forthcoming Synod.

 

Russian source: https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Antonij_Hrapovickij/pisma/#0_101.

Adapted from the English translation by Deacon Fr. Lev Puhalo.

“The Voice of Mount Athos”: Athonite Elder Hieroschemamonk Theodosios of Karoulia on the Old and New Calendars


 

On the day when Christians of the Western tradition, as well as some Orthodox Christians under their influence, celebrate the Nativity of Christ on December 12/25 according to the Gregorian calendar, introduced by Pope Gregory XIII in 1582 to replace the earlier Julian calendar, we present to readers of the Russian Athos website an article by the Athonite Elder Theodosios (Kharitonov, 1869–1937) of Karoulia concerning the attitude of the ascetics of Mount Athos toward the New and Old Calendars in the Church’s liturgical tradition.

The Athonite Elder Theodosios (in the world, Vasily Vasilyevich Kharitonov) [1] was an outstanding Russian Athonite ascetic, hesychast, and hermit of Karoulia. He was born in 1869 in Saratov Province. After graduating from the Kazan Theological Academy with a master’s degree in theology, he served for a time as a supervisor at the Simferopol Theological Seminary, and subsequently for five years as an inspector at the Vologda Theological Seminary. At the beginning of the twentieth century, he departed for the Holy Mountain of Athos. There he participated in demonstrating the erroneous nature of the teaching of Name-Worshipping (Imiaslavie), for which he received high praise from many prominent Orthodox hierarchs. His writings were commended by Emperor Nicholas II, while the Most Holy Synod awarded him a certificate of commendation and presented him with an icon of the All-Merciful Savior as a blessing.

Elder Theodosios composed a substantial work in defense of the Orthodox Julian calendar. He corresponded with many prominent hierarchs, particularly Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) and others. In 1915, with the blessing of Abbot Misail (Sapegin) of the Athonite Monastery of St. Panteleimon, he settled in the most austere region of Mount Athos—Karoulia—where he established a small monastic hermitage with a church dedicated to the Holy Trinity. He had many disciples. He reposed in 1938, in the seventieth year of his life.

* * *

THE VOICE OF HOLY MOUNT ATHOS

He who defends the canons and decrees of the Holy Fathers of the Seven Ecumenical Councils is, in effect, defending dogma itself. If anyone is called upon to suffer for the truth, this shall be accounted to him by the Lord God as martyrdom. Let us faithfully preserve the precepts of the Holy Fathers, helping one another to safeguard our Orthodox Faith and, with God's help, to repel the impious innovations of the Living Church reformers and other renegades and schismatics.

Let no one turn us aside from the ways of the Lord! Have nothing to do with those who have separated themselves from the Church, having dared to violate the decree of the Holy and Great Council held at Nicaea concerning the holy feast of Pascha and the ecclesiastical calendar. “The Holy Council henceforth condemns such persons as being outside the Church. And not only does the Council depose such persons from the sacred ministry, but also all who dare to remain in communion with them.”

The Third Discourse of St. John Chrysostom, which emphasizes the great importance and irrevocable authority of the decree concerning Pascha established by the Holy Fathers of the First Ecumenical Council, and connected with the Old Calendar, equally condemns both the ancient violators of this decree and the modern New Calendarists. For, in the ancient and trustworthy explanation of this decree preserved in the epistle of the Holy Emperor Constantine, Equal-to-the-Apostles, it is clearly stated: “Having rejected their customs, that is, those of the Jews, it would be far better to continue for all generations to come that true order which we have observed from the very time of Christ’s Passion until the present day.”

We are living through an extraordinary time, when those who truly believe constitute a minority, as in the days of the Iconoclasts and Monothelites. At the same time, the innovation of the New Calendar is being imposed upon the Orthodox with haste and coercion.

However, we must not judge who is right, who is within the Church, and who is outside her on the basis of the present abnormal state of ecclesiastical affairs. Rather, the present state of the Church, disturbed by the New Calendarist innovation, must itself be examined in the light of the divine laws preserved among us Orthodox, after the Holy Scriptures, in Holy Tradition—both written, in the canons of the Councils, and unwritten, in the practice of the Church—both of which possess equal authority. [2]

We must now determine catholic truth not by the consciousness of the Church as a whole, which is lacking among us at the present time, but by the Tradition of the whole Church, in agreement with the ancient Church, when, concerning the present painful question of the ecclesiastical calendar, there was no division whatsoever, but, on the contrary, complete unanimity among all, confirmed by repeated Local Councils and regional Synods.

Guided above all by this principle as the criterion of catholic ecclesiastical truth, St. Maximus the Confessor rejected the Monothelite heresy as an innovation and resolutely refused to receive Communion with the Monothelite Patriarch, even if the entire world were to receive Communion with him. [3] Likewise, many confessors and martyrs who suffered for the holy icons rose up against Iconoclasm immediately upon its proclamation, without waiting for a Council.

Holy Tradition is a simple, clear, and accessible criterion of catholic ecclesiastical truth, even for ordinary believers. As the Hieromartyr Cyprian of Carthage says: “It is easy for devout and simple souls to avoid error and find the truth, for as soon as they turn to the source of Divine Tradition, error disappears.” Or, in the words of St. John Chrysostom: “It is Tradition; seek nothing further.”

We must believe in Holy Tradition, just as in Holy Scripture, and interpret it according to Tradition itself—that is, according to the mind of the Church that preceded us, and not according to our own judgment or the present abnormal state of ecclesiastical affairs. It is likewise by Tradition that we must determine who is now a true son of the Church and who is a schismatic. In this sense, St. Maximus the Confessor declared: “Christ called the right and saving confession of faith the Catholic Church.”

“The preservation of Holy Tradition,” says Patriarch Joachim III, “is a mark of Orthodoxy.” And this is, above all, the most reliable criterion for examining the present troubled state of ecclesiastical affairs and determining who is Orthodox and who is a schismatic.

The Fathers of the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias regarded the Old Calendar, together with the Paschalion, as not only founded upon ecclesiastical custom but also sanctioned by the Seven Ecumenical Councils. They regarded those who followed the New Calendar as opponents of the decrees of all the Councils and, consequently, as subject to the conciliar anathemas. In other words, the Fathers of the Council considered the calendar question itself to be a canonical matter.

The Fathers of the Council were right to appeal in their decision to all the Ecumenical Councils, just as the defenders of the veneration of the holy icons were right when they confessed at the Seventh Ecumenical Council that they “follow the divinely inspired teaching of the Holy Fathers and the Tradition of the Catholic Church.” And when the Iconoclasts objected that the Ecumenical Councils had enacted no decree concerning icons, they replied that the Ecumenical Councils, which had for the most part been held in holy churches adorned with holy icons, had, by their tacit preservation of a custom dating from the earliest times, sanctioned the veneration of icons no less than they would have done by any explicit canon.

In this same sense, the [Local] Council held under Patriarch Jeremias II, in confirmation of the canonical obligation to observe its decision concerning the ecclesiastical calendar, appeals, like the Fathers of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, to custom—that is, to the ecclesiastical practice known and observed by all the Ecumenical Councils—as constituting “the teaching of the Holy Fathers and the Tradition of the Catholic Church.”

Therefore, just as even before the Seventh Ecumenical Council, which formally sanctioned the veneration of icons and anathematized Iconoclasm, the anathemas already rested upon the Iconoclasts as despisers of ecclesiastical custom—that is, of the unwritten Tradition of the Church concerning the holy icons—so too does the same anathema rest upon those who despise another ecclesiastical custom, likewise constituting unwritten Tradition, concerning the ecclesiastical calendar.

And the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias II rightly reaffirmed the anathema against both the old and the new proponents of the New Calendar, an anathema already resting upon them by virtue of the unwritten Tradition known and preserved by all the Ecumenical Councils. Moreover, the fact that the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias took place 300 years ago not only does not diminish the force of its anathema but, on the contrary, strengthens it, as is the case with everything sanctified by the antiquity of ecclesiastical tradition. [4]

The question of the ecclesiastical calendar was regarded as a canonical matter not only by the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias, but also by the succeeding Ecumenical Patriarchs and other Primates of the Churches, together with their Synods. Over the course of the following three centuries, a whole succession of Ecumenical Patriarchs spoke out resolutely against the Gregorian calendar, judging it in the spirit of the conciliar decree issued under Patriarch Jeremias and exhorting the Orthodox to avoid it [the Gregorian calendar] as a betrayal of Orthodoxy and a departure from the precepts of the Holy Fathers.

Similar to the Sigillion of Patriarch Jeremias, but containing even more severe prohibitions, another Sigillion was issued in 1756—the Encyclical of Patriarch Cyril V of Constantinople—in which those introducing innovations are declared excommunicated from God under the terrible and eternal anathemas of all the Patriarchs and Councils. In another similar Encyclical of the One Catholic and Apostolic Church, addressed to all Orthodox Christians, Patriarchs Anthimos, Hierotheos, Methodios, and Cyril testify: “Among us, neither Patriarchs nor Councils have ever been able to introduce anything new... Therefore, all who introduce innovations... have willingly clothed themselves with cursing as with a garment” (Ps. 108:18).

In accordance with the actions of the Ecumenical Patriarchs regarding the New Calendar, the Patriarchs of Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, as well as the Archbishops of Cyprus, likewise sought to safeguard their flocks by issuing epistles and official letters explaining the true significance of the Gregorian calendar, emphasizing its connection, as had the conciliar decree issued under Patriarch Jeremias, with a whole series of innovations devised by the Papacy.

In more recent times, in 1902–1904, the Primates of all the Autocephalous Orthodox Churches officially expressed their views on the question of reforming the ecclesiastical calendar. Their assessment of the question resulted in a rejection of calendar reform on grounds of faith and out of concern that it would provoke ecclesiastical turmoil.

Likewise, the Russian Orthodox Church, at its Council of 1917–1918, resolved to retain the Old Calendar on ecclesiastical and canonical grounds.

In 1923, it once again reaffirmed the Council’s decision concerning the calendar and refused to introduce the Gregorian calendar into ecclesiastical practice, despite the coercion of the godless Bolshevik authorities.

Finally, four Councils of Orthodox hierarchs abroad unanimously and in complete agreement rejected the New Calendar, [5] regarding it as wholly inadmissible on the basis of the canons and ecclesiastical practice, and because it had been placed under the anathemas of all the Eastern Patriarchs.

Such is the universal canonical truth concerning the ecclesiastical calendar.

After this, let us say, in the words of Blessed Augustine concerning the Pelagian heresy: “Is it really necessary to convene a Council in order to expose so manifest a cause of perdition? As though no heresy had ever been condemned without the convocation of a Council, whereas, on the contrary, very few heresies are known for whose condemnation such a necessity arose. Many heresies, indeed the greater number, were justly condemned in the very places where they appeared, and from there news of their condemnation was communicated to all the other Churches as a warning.”

What the Blessed Father said concerning the Pelagian heresy, which was condemned only by the Local Council of Carthage and yet was thereby rejected by the entire Orthodox Church, applies equally to the New Calendar, which has been condemned not by one Council alone, but by numerous Councils and Synods, whose decisions were not rejected but accepted by all the Orthodox Churches, after they had been duly informed of them.

The ancient practice of the Church as a whole concerning the ecclesiastical calendar has the same authority as the canons. Likewise, the modern Latin heresy has not been condemned by any Ecumenical Council, since it arose after them, but only by those same Local Councils of Constantinople. Nevertheless, by virtue of the established universal practice of the Church, all Orthodox regard the Latins as heretics. In the same way, by virtue of this same ecclesiastical practice, we must regard our own New Calendarists as schismatics.

In conclusion, let us summarize all such considerations concerning the calendar and draw their logical conclusion.

1. The question of the ecclesiastical calendar is a matter of faith and canonical order.

2. The Old Calendar, Julian in origin and ecclesiastical in its usage, is canonically obligatory, especially in connection with the Paschalion and the liturgical Typikon.

3. The New Gregorian [Calendar], on the other hand, which inevitably leads to violations of the Paschalion and the liturgical Typikon, is, by contrast, canonically prohibited, both by virtue of the general canonical rules requiring the observance of the unwritten Tradition of the Church—that is, ecclesiastical practice—under pain of anathema for its violation [6], and, in particular, by virtue of the specific conciliar decree on this matter issued under Patriarch Jeremias, which was accepted by the consciousness of the Church as a whole, as repeatedly expressed at Local Councils and by individual zealots of Orthodoxy.

The logical conclusion to be drawn from this summary is as follows:

4. The New Calendarists, who through their self-willed and disorderly innovation violate, as has been demonstrated, both written and unwritten Tradition, have willingly clothed themselves with cursing as with a garment (Ps. 108:18), to use the expression of the Encyclical of 1848, signed by four Patriarchs and numerous Fathers of the Council.

5. In accordance with the canons of the Church, which prohibit prayerful communion with those who have been excommunicated, ecclesiastical communion with such persons is reprehensible and entails the threat of the same punishment as theirs. [7] Separation from them, on the other hand, is praiseworthy even before any judgment has been pronounced against them. [8]

Guided by these convictions and striving to remain faithful to Tradition, the true believers, by the mercy of God, are not troubled in conscience, whatever premature judgments may be passed upon them by those who do not share their convictions.

Having in their favor such testimony from the Holy Fathers of the invisible, triumphant Church, they are at the same time not deprived of a voice of encouragement from the visible, militant Church—from contemporary pastors, zealots of the Church of their homeland—in the hope that, sooner or later, the voice of ecclesiastical truth will prevail. Amen.

Holy Mountain of Athos, 1934

 

NOTES

1. The Athonite Elder and hermit, Hieroschemamonk Theodosios of Karoulia (1869–1937). He graduated from the Kazan Theological Academy and became a professor of theology. Having renounced the world, he withdrew to Mount Athos, from where he wrote polemical letters to Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) and Professor N. N. Glubokovsky. He stood firmly for the purity of True Orthodoxy. A week before his repose, the Elder said to his disciple Alypios: “I shall die on the Feast of the Protection of the Most Holy Theotokos, and you will die on the third day after me.” And so it came to pass.

2. Canon 91 of St. Basil the Great, p. 477.

3. Lives of the Saints (Chetii-Minei), January 21.

4. Canon 91 of St. Basil the Great, p. 477.

5. The four Councils held abroad in 1923, 1924, 1926, and 1931.

6. Acts of the Sixth Ecumenical Council.

7. Apostolic Canon 10; Canon 2 of the Council of Antioch; Canon 33 of the Council of Laodicea.

8. Canon 1 of the Council of Antioch; Canon 15 of the First-Second Council.

 

Russian source:

https://afonit.info/biblioteka/nasledie-svyatoj-gory/o-novom-i-starom-stile

 

 

The Heresy of Constantinople’s Neo-Papism in Light of Orthodox Trinitarian Theology

Hieromonk Kirill (Zinkovsky), Doctor of Theology [now Bishop of Sergiev Posad],

Hieromonk Methody (Zinkovsky), Doctor of Theology [now Bishop of Yegoryevsk],

And Hieromonk Varnava (Snytko)

English translation by Daria Pletneva.

 

 

Christ is the Head of the Orthodox Catholic Church

In our day we are being challenged with the aggravation of the internal ecclesiastical problem, which may be designated as the “self-institution” of the Constantinople Patriarchate, the would-be head of the Orthodox Catholic Church. In fact, this has been a decades-long issue rooted in Church history. Evidently, it is associated with man’s inexhaustible inclination to the sin of pride, which sometimes may grow worse if one is granted the authority of being a priest.

The terrible experience of Judas – who shared the Last Supper as well as many other meals with Christ – is a vivid example to all ages and nations. According to the testimony of many holy fathers, the sin of pride is at the root of every fall. And this sin causes enormous harm to the Church body, to all God’s people, actually headed by the Humblest and Meekest Jesus Christ our Lord.

Many great saints of antiquity – specifically including primates in the See of Constantinople – would denounce the current theological speculation of the Constantinople Patriarchate, which identifies the Constantinople Patriarch as the “head of all the Orthodox”. Truly, any Patriarch is the “Primate” rather than the “head” of the Church. In accordance with the Holy Scriptures, saints Gregory the Theologian and John Chrysostom would declare that we have only one head of the Church, and that is Christ. [1] “We make up one Church, which is harmoniously represented by the members of one Head” – the Lord Jesus Christ. [2]

The Twentieth Century Idea of Neo-Papism

It was in the twentieth century, in the Church of Constantinople, that the idea of Eastern neo-papism was revived. As early as 1950, almost 70 years ago, Archimandrite Sophrony (Sakharov) warned against the dangerous trends gaining strength in the Constantinople Patriarchate.

“At present, in the depths of our Holy Church, lies a great danger of perverting the dogmatic teachings concerning Her, and therefore the danger of perverting Her being, because dogmatic thinking is organically connected with the whole course of inner spiritual life. Any minor change in dogmatic thinking would inevitably incur changes in the corresponding mode of one’s spiritual being. And vice versa: evading the truth of inner spiritual life would produce change in dogmatic thinking. The violation of dogmatic truth would inevitably lead to evading the possibility of true knowledge of God, the fullness of which is granted to the Church ... Any particular distortion would certainly affect the whole. If we distort Church doctrine now, and thus ... the mode of Her being, then how could She serve Her sons and provide the way to the Truth? You would ask, in which way is this distortion visible now? The answer is: in Constantinople’s neo-papism, which is quickly trying to move from the theoretical phase into the practical one.” [3]

Archimandrite Sophrony stresses that papist tendencies in the fallen world are quite common. Unfortunately, “they are characteristic not only of ancient Rome, but also of the East, of Byzantium, which was the place where they frequently spread. Mercifully, God still guards over the Eastern Church, and these tendencies have faded away without disturbing the deep peace of the Church.” [4]

The long-standing dispute – over the possibility of granting the title “Ecumenical” to the Primate of the Church in Constantinople – may prove to be the flammable “spark”, produced by the sin of pride. The term “Ecumenical” was originally used in reference to the entirety of the Roman Empire (both before and after the capital was moved to the city of Constantinople). Completely groundless are the weak attempts to apply this term to the Primate of a single Local Church (in Constantinople), at the expense of all others.

At this point, A. V. Kartashev cites “the testimony of Anastasius the Librarian (9th century), who also happened to be the pope’s representative in Constantinople,” that in Byzantium the term “Ecumenical” was used in reference to the Patriarchs of Constantinople, due to the narrowing definition of the term to mean “Eastern imperial, all-Greek, all-Byzantine.” [5] However, according to Kartashev, who pointed to the unjustified usage of such “narrowing”, the practice of conferring on the Patriarchs the title “Ecumenical” is directly linked to “the tendency of exaltation.”  [6] It is not by chance that he cites the historical evidence of St. Gregory the Great’s disagreement – even indignation – with the adoption and approval of such a practice in the East. After all, the Gospel itself identifies the universe precisely with the whole world, where it should be preached: “And this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world (ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ)” (Matt. 24:14). In this verse, the Greek word “οἰκουμένῃ” (oecumene) is where we get the word “ecumenical” (universal), and it is used in reference to all of planet earth – the entire world – and not in reference to the boundaries of a particular country (regardless of whether the country is supportive of the Orthodox Church, regardless of whether the country seeks to have its activities consecrated by the prayers and sacraments of the Church).

Patristic writings use the term “universal” to designate the whole world

Patristic works primarily use the term “universal” (ecumenical) not in the narrow sense of the “Byzantine” world, but in reference to the entire world of humanity. Thus, St. Cyril of Jerusalem comments in his Catechetical lectures that “Jesus took upon Himself the sins of the universe,” [7] while the primordial Adam brought about “universal death” by his sin. [8] The councils, which are called and recognized by the Church as “Ecumenical”, were also by no means a purely “Byzantine” phenomenon, as they bore and continue to bear the importance of precisely global significance, being the highest authority on the human side of our Church!

The word “Ecumenical” corresponds to the fullness of the Orthodox Catholic Church. (Catholicity is one of the features of Christ’s One Church.) This title describes an essential characteristic of all the local churches together, considered as a single, unified whole. The term “Ecumenical” cannot properly be applied to one isolated local church. Consequently, when a single local church adopts this title, it is usurping something which belongs to all churches together. Indeed, the Roman Catholics did this very thing, usurping the universal Church’s title of “Catholic”, and applying it solely to their own local church.

For a period of time, the term “Ecumenical” was illicitly used as a mere title for the Primates of the local church in Constantinople. Initially, this was only an honorary title, not accompanied with false pretenses. But in our day, some have begun to assume that the title is meaningful, supposedly giving the right of authority, power, and primacy to its owners.

The Dogma of the Holy Trinity as the Foundation of the Church Doctrine

Archimandrite Sophrony’s article “The Unity of the Church in the Image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity” was intended to oppose such trends. It is based on the idea that the doctrine of the Church is based on the doctrine of the Holy Trinity – Orthodox Triadology is the basis of Orthodox Ecclesiology. Archimandrite’s primary idea is that “The catholic component of the Orthodox Church is its existence in the image of the Consubstantial and Indivisible Trinity.” [9] The author highlights the triadological aspect, because of the division and damage to the Church which neo-papism causes.

Fr. Sophrony argues, “The fullness of Church’s dogmatic life is never interrupted or diminished in essence. However, in different historical epochs, one or another aspect of a single, organically-integral, dogmatic teaching of the Church becomes the focus of attention. This happens because of the imminent danger of losing the truth in its whole, as a result of neglecting something in the particular.” [10]

The loss of dogmatic vision – the surrender of positions – printed out in the historical pathway of the Church, far from the perfection to which She is called, would take place as soon as love dries up. We have lost love, and this is the cause of our divisions and non-Christian aspirations to prevail over our brothers,” [11] “therefore we are unable to fully comprehend our universal consubstantiality and equality.” [12]

A little bit earlier than Archimandrite Sophrony, the Athonian ascetic and theologian hieroschemamonk Theodosius Karulsky († 1937) would comment concerning the modern realities of church life:

“The catholic truth should be defined not by means of the current and unfortunately blurred ‘modern thinking of the whole church’ the clarity whereof ‘we miss so much’, but according to “the Tradition of the whole church”, which should be consistent with the ancient Church.” [13]

Church Tradition rather than “the common opinion” should become a criterion of truth for the complex issues of the present.

That is, Church Tradition rather than “the common” or politically imposed opinion should become a criterion of truth for any complex issues of our time. In V.N. Lossky’s view, this ensures “the catholic authenticity to be actualized” [14] in the minds of Christians, who desperately need paradoxical catholic church thinking, due to the depletion of love predicted by the Gospel.

St. Sergius of Radonezh taught our ancestors that “contemplation of the Holy Trinity overcomes the odious enmity of this world”. Overcoming discord and disintegration may be realized only in the Church. In the light of Trinitarian dogma, a proper vision of the Church allows us to think, live, and preserve the church’s unity in the image of the Triune Existence.

Archimandrite Sophrony argues that the incomprehensible perfection of Trinitarian Existence points to “the assertion of equality of divinity, equality of kingship, equality of power… equality of absoluteness of the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity.” [15] And just as there is no “shadow of subjection or subordination” [16] within the Triune Existence, so the relations between the Local Churches, called to display the image of the Triune Existence, should exclude any domination in relation to each other.

The dogma of the Holy Trinity testifies to perfect love, “excluding any kind of predominance of one Person over others. Therefore, the Church rejects “all kinds of subordination and professes in regard to the Holy Trinity, “There is nothing more, and nothing less (within It): but the three hypostases are integral, consubstantial and equal.” [17] Fr. Sophrony stresses that “triadological subordination applied to the Church structure results in forms of papism which are analogous to various forms of triadological subordination. Hence, Roman papism, elevating the bishop of Rome to a degree that separates him from the rest of the Church body – making him not just great but OTHERWISE-EXISTING – is an example of ecclesiological subordination corresponding to the ontological aspect of the Arian triadological subordination.” [18] The Roman Catholic Filioque theology ultimately led to “a certain Christ-centrism” due to the Holy Spirit “losing Its equal absoluteness in regard to the Father and the Son and becoming only the power of Christ, the power given to the authority and discretion of the Bishop of Rome.” [19]

On the Heresy of Constantinople’s Neo-papism

The Canons of Councils denying such a right for any Local Church

And now, in the middle of the twentieth century, Archimandrite Sophrony warned us against Constantinople’s neo-papism developing rapidly, despite its embryonic state. “For its having changed faces many times, we cannot clearly characterize it.” [20] The adherents thereof “first recognized the preeminence of jurisdictional rights for Constantinople, “because it holds primacy in the Orthodox Catholic Church”. Then they began to assert for Constantinople the right of the highest appellate instance in the Orthodox Catholic Church, having forgotten the age-old struggle against the claims of Rome to this right; having forgotten that it was these claims of Rome that led to the great and final division of the Churches (1054).” [21] Supporters of Constantinople’s neo-papism also forgot that, at the Council of Florence in 1439, Rome sought from the East the recognition of its “rights of the highest appellate instance in the Orthodox Catholic Church.” [22]  However, the canons of the Ecumenical and Local Councils deny such a right for any Local Church. And the Church of Constantinople would firmly adhere to such an Orthodox position in its struggle against the claims of Rome.

“By proclaiming the Roman Catholic principle of development,” continues Fr. Sophrony, they recognized for Constantinople the exclusive right regarding the entire Orthodox diaspora world-wide, denying that right for the other autocephalous Churches in relation to their diaspora. Finding no reason for this either in the canonical structure of the Church or in Her age-old practice, they, in the manner of the First Rome, started asserting these rights not on the basis of canons, but on the basis of the commands of “God Himself”. [23]

Archimandrite Sophrony is amazed with their quoted phrase that “GOD commanded” them to “observe not only the unity of faith and beneficial institutions, not only the unity of love, but also the indissoluble UNITY of the sacred hierarchy and CHURCH GOVERNANCE, both in the UNIVERSE and in each place where the Church exists.” [24] How far may such a thought proceed, and at what point is a limit put to this kind of assertion, to say nothing of the dogmatic, moral, and human aspects?

In the word of Archimandrite Sophrony, “Roman papism brought the hierarchical structure to a close” since it distinguished a certain bishop from the whole body of the Church as the only bearer of infallibility, which lead to “neglecting the mode of being of the Holy Trinity, its consubstantiality and equality of Hypostases.” [25] Constantinople’s neo-papism took the same path, which found its most vivid expression in Patriarch Athenagoras’ “Circular letter” published in 1955. The logic of the message is simple:

“The First Rome having disappeared, the Second Rome occupied its place, with the same rights and the same reasoning.” [26]

This message stipulates that participation in the Orthodox Catholic Church should be in direct relation to Constantinople – the Second Rome. Truly, Constantinople “does not establish its peculiar mode of existence with regard to other autocephalous Churches, yet it treats them as already diminished: Constantinople is everything – it is the Orthodox Catholic Church – and the others are just parts thereof since they belong to the Orthodox Catholic Church only insofar as they relate to Constantinople.” [27]

Fr. Sophrony questions “whether this form of papism is also an ecclesiological heresy, which is analogous to Roman papism.” Do we need to say that, realized in the life of the Church, it would inevitably lead to the perversion of the whole spiritual mode of our being? Like the First Rome – which would give a particular geographical location exclusive rights to authority and teaching in the Church [28]– this form of papism would bring us back to the Gospel times: “Our fathers worshipped in this mountain; and ye say that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship” (John 4:20).” [29]

On Constantinople’s Violation of the Autocephaly Principle

Constantinople rudely violates the rights of the other churches, and its actions trample the very principle of autocephaly. They allegedly defend the rights of other churches to claim autocephaly, and yet simultaneously go beyond proper canonical and dogmatic limits. The lies of Istanbul are especially evident, as they try to redraw the ecclesiastical-political map of the world. It is not difficult to see the ambitions that drive them, both politically and within the Church.

If we talk of this day, the lies of the church-political ambitions of the Istanbul re-cutters of the church-political world map are especially evident in the fact that by allegedly defending the right of other Churches to autocephaly and yet going beyond the limits of both the canonical and the dogmatic fields, Constantinople rudely violates such a right, since its actions trample the principle of autocephaly. Reflecting on one of the most significant points of Patriarch Athenagoras’s Encyclicals, Archimandrite Sophrony emphasizes a pronounced tendency to “undermine the principle of equal dignity of autocephalous Local Churches,” in other words, it is a question of Constantinople’s combatting the “autocephaly principle”. [30]

Fr. Sophrony points out that the Church neither thinks or believes in this manner:

“One Church is primarily the Holy Church ... The unity of God, and the unity of the Church with the Lord, is the source of the Church’s oneness. The Church is one due to a single source of Her holiness, and cannot be but one by virtue of Her holiness ... When the apostle Paul relates to the Church’s oneness, he relates it not to the subordination to a single governance, but to the communion with the same bread of the Body and Blood of the Lord (1 Cor. 10:14-17) and to Christ, the Head, heading the Church (Eph. 4:15-16).” [31]

Prof. S.V. Troitsky’s words confirm this idea:

“Drawing its consecration directly from the Spirit of God from above, each Local Church remains self-sufficient, but since this source of sanctification is one, it remains at the same time one Church. There can be no unifying earthly center to which all Local Churches should be subordinate, since the existence of such a center, with the existence of a unifying heavenly center, would introduce dualism into the Church and violate its unity.” [32]

Even allowing the fact that Constantinople “would really identify itself with the Mother Church… all the same”, in Fr. Sophrony’s phrase, “to deduce submission from the fact of historical motherhood, would be a violation of the Orthodox triadology, according to which the Fatherhood or Sonship does not eliminate full equality. The Begotten essentially is equal to the Begetter. This was the position held by the holy fathers.” [33]

To substantiate the above voiced opinion even more, Archimandrite Sophrony gives the example of the Jerusalem Church, which is “the only indisputable Mother of all Churches, not excluding the First Rome.” [34] It serves as a vivid example of the fact that “in the life of the Church, the fact of motherhood has not been recognized as the basis of authority, nor even as the basis of honor.” [35]

“Rome boasts of the tomb of Peter. In Jerusalem, there is the Holy Sepulcher of the Savior Himself. Rome boasts of Peter and Paul’s ‘scarlet blood’. In Jerusalem, the Redeemer of the world shed His Divine Blood. Rome boasts of the glory of the ‘eternal city.’ In Jerusalem, the Great King of Glory, the Lord, taught and suffered, and was resurrected. There, on the Mount of Olives, He blessed the Disciples and ascended in glory to heaven. In Jerusalem, in the upper room, the Holy Spirit descended on the apostles and those who were with them – that is, on the Church. In Jerusalem the life of the Most Holy Mother of God passed. The first Apostolic Council, chaired by James, the brother of the Lord, was also held there. And yet, despite all this, in the period before the First Ecumenical Council, the city lost even its independence and was subordinate to the Metropolitan of Caesarea of ​​Palestine.” [36]

It is not surprising that Constantinople began to fight against the autocephaly of Local Churches, since “such is the nature of all papism.” [37] Archimandrite Sophrony states that Roman Catholicism cannot be reconciled with autocephaly, and this sentiment is substantiated by a quotation from Fr. S. Tyshkevich, a Roman Catholic writer:

“In the Church, it is permissible to strengthen and weaken ‘centralization’, depending on the conditions of time and place, but in no case will we allow the full autocephaly of Local Churches. This would make the Church polycephalic – many-headed – which is unthinkable from the perspective of Her divine-human nature… There can be only one hierarchy in the Church. A federation of several completely independent hierarchies hinders Her essence.” [38]

We see that such a paradigm offers Church organization, not in the image of the Holy Trinity, but in a completely earthly image, based on the idea of ​​an administrative center, similar to the “infallible Vatican”, which declares such things through its apologists:

“We will never forget that there is a connecting point between God and us, and this connecting point is Rome.” [39]

The same idea is communicated by the message from the high priest of the “Second Rome”, as well as by the church policy of his successors who insist on “having links with the Constantinople chair and submission to it as an obligatory condition of participation in the Orthodox Catholic Church.” [40]

Fr. Sophrony argues, “Would true Christians who worship ‘in spirit and truth’ accept this word? And if, suppose, the First and Second Rome happen to disappear from the face of the earth due to this or that catastrophe, then will the world be left without a true connection with God, since the ties connecting us with Him would supposedly have disappeared? For they know not the voice of strangers (John 10:5). This is not our Christian faith.” [41]

In the following statement, Fr. Sophrony denounces neo-papism, which rose from the depths of the Holy Church:

“We reject any ‘Rome’, including the First, and the Second, and the Third, when it comes to introducing the principle of subordination into the existence of our Church. We reject the papism of Rome, as well as that of Constantinople, Moscow, London, Paris, and New York, and any other papism, as an ecclesiological heresy that distorts Christianity.” [42]

The principle of autocephaly testifies to the equal dignity of Local Churches, in the image of the equal dignity of the Persons of the Holy Trinity.

The rightly practiced principle of autocephaly, which is based on the idea of consubstantiality, testifies to the equal dignity of Local Churches, in the image of the equal dignity of the Persons of the Holy Trinity. To put it succinctly:

“Neither a place, nor a title, nor a racial origin grants preeminence over other places or nations concerning the Church and Her authority or teaching.” [43]

The above phrase maintains a dogmatic vision and understanding of autocephaly, which from an eschatological perspective allows us to speak of “the general hope that not only each Local Church, but also each individual member of Hers, each single person-hypostasis, would be a bearer of THE WHOLE OF CATHOLIC FULLNESS of church life in the image of the Holy Trinity, wherein every Hypostasis is the bearer of the absolute fullness of Divine Being; evidently not through eliminating or absorbing other Persons-Hypostases, but through dwelling in the fullness and integrity of one essence.” [44]

Following our guiding star, we avoid the mistake of reducing or diminishing the eternal design of God for man, for His Church. Of course, as witnesses to what is happening, we see historically “how far the Church’s life has been from the perfection to which we are called.” [45] And yet, by overcoming the “odious enmity of this world,” each member of the Church of Christ is motivated to implement God’s command for unity through catholic oneness and perfection – in the Savior’s words: “that they may be one” (John 17:21), and “Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect” (Matt. 5:48).

In relation to the Church’s history and life, such perfection in the image of the Divine Trinity manifests itself in “catholicity and autocephaly,” in other words, “in the freedom of catholic love and equality of consubstantiality.” [46] This confirms the inseparable connection of Orthodox ecclesiology with Orthodox triadology.

On the Dogmatic Vision and Church Thinking

In the context of current events, we see once again how dogmatic vision determines the spiritual, canonical, and every other aspect of the Church’s life. It is true that “the projection of the imperishable, gracious element of the Church in the conditions of our earthly, fallen existence inevitably acquires a certain conventionality, and therefore the Church canonical structure is not an absolute legal norm;” nevertheless it “has always kept intact its deep roots, its essence, and may not contradict our dogmatic thinking.” [47] Thus, the Orthodox teaching on the Church cannot contradict the Orthodox teaching on the Holy Trinity.

The current situation demonstrates how the supporters of “Ukrainian autocephaly” are trying to level up precisely the dogmatic aspect of this issue, seeking to “resolve” it outside the ecclesiastical sphere, without any discussion. Despite the arguments of those who desire and seek primacy for themselves, they prove to be a Pharisaical manifestation, a hypocritical movement against love – that is, sin – which is a crime against the Father's love, rather than just a violation of ethical norms.

Unfortunately, the Phanar’s recent actions are putting Church unity at risk, as well as the preservation of peace. Patriarch Bartholomew has unilaterally made a deliberate decision which calls for a separation. Instead of healing the schism, he is going to aggravate it even more. And regardless of what canonical and historical reasons may be given to justify the actions committed, they invoke neither the gospel spirit nor fraternal love, being only an attempt to assert authority and superiority over “lesser” members of the Church.

This desire for predominance is a destructive presence on earth. It is symptomatic of a falling away from dogmatic thinking, and a loss of proper ecclesiastical thinking, by leaders who are supposed to be protecting the Church’s God-ordained unity in the first place. According to Archimandrite Sophrony, these erring leaders are not listening to the voices of those who called for resolving “the burning ... dogmatic issues as issues of cardinal significance for the matter of salvation.” [48]

Archimandrite Sophrony speaks explicitly of the spirit of lust for power and the desire to prevail over the brethren, which was inherent to Tsargrad’s Patriarchs, who would initially support the renovation split (Meletius IV) and strike a blow at the Primate St. Tikhon of Moscow during the time of tribulation for the Russian Church, and then would proclaim the doctrine of exclusive rights for the Patriarch of Constantinople (Athenagoras). Archimandrite Sophrony believes their actions were not only a gross trampling of the canons, but primarily the result of a serious dogmatic error, incurred by the First Hierarchs and their supporters occupying the Tsargrad chair. In their quest for power and domination, they became like princes of the world, crowning the top of the “pyramid of humanity” and dominating the nations. This is alien to the spirit of Christ, Who “came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many” (Matt 20:28).

Fr. Sophrony states that Christ “came and overturned the pyramid of human existence,” [49] and consequently “those who follow Him should go the same way: They go down to unite with the Head of the inverted pyramid. A Christian goes down, to the depth of the overturned pyramid which is at the center of terrible pressure, where Christ is, He who took upon Himself the sin of the world.” [50] According to the holy Fathers, the true movement is the movement of love, which is always humble. Therefore, authority – especially the Church’s authority – is treated by Fr. Sophrony “as service for everybody, as taking care of the weaker.” [51]

In conclusion, echoing Archimandrite Sophrony’s views on the subject, we would like to quote a statement from Patriarch Alexy I, which is written as a prayer for the oneness of the Church. He was reasoning about the High Priesthood of the First Rome, yet in the light of today's events, we might certainly perceive this statement as a prayer for the High Priesthood of the Second Rome as well:

“Christ said to his disciples, ‘Whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister; And whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant’ (Matt. 20:26-27). May the Lord enlighten the mental eyes of the Roman (and Constantinopolitan) high priesthood, so that with the help of God they may receive the power of the Spirit, and abandon the ambitious desire to establish their earthly primacy over all the apostolic successors!” [52]

 

NOTES

1. Gregory the Theologian, st. Oration 37. On the Gospel words, “when Jesus had finished these sayings” // By the same author. Writings. In 2 volumes. SPb: P. P. Soikin Printing House, 1912. V. 1. P. 510–522, here: P. 514.

2. John Chrysostom, st. Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles. Homily 24. 4 // Writings of Our Father, St. John Chrysostom, Archbishop of Constantinople, in Russian translation. In 12 volumes. St.Petersburg: SPbDA edition, 1898–1906. V. 9. Part 1. P. 226–235, here: P. 234.

3. Sophrony (Sakharov), hieromonk. Unity of the Church in the image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity (Orthodox Triadology as the basis of Orthodox Ecclesiology) // Bulletin of the Russian West European Patriarchal Exarchate. 1950. № 2–3. P. 8–32, here: P. 18–19.

4. Ibid. P. 19.

5. ‘While in Constantinople, I would often condemn the Greeks for the word “ecumenical” and reproach them for vanity and pride, yet they objected they would title the Patriarch Ecumenical – ikumenikos (by many translated as “universalis”), not by virtue of his being a bishop over the whole world, but because he had the authority over a certain part of the world in which Christians lived. For the Greeks the word ikumeni means “universe”, while in Latin it designates not only “the world” (orbis terrarum)”, from which, in the sense of “universe” the name ‟ecumenical” is derived, but also “every dwelling or habitable place”. Ikumenikos in this context would mean: ‟Eastern imperial, all-Greek, all-Byzantine"’ (Kartashev A.V. Ecumenical Councils. Klin: Christian Life, 2002. P. 479).

6. Ibid. P. 478.

7. Cyril of Jerusalem, st. Catechetical lecture 3. 9. // By the same author. Catechetical and Mystical Lectures. Moscow: Blagovest Publishing House, 2010. P. 36–47, here: p. 44.

8. Cyril of Jerusalem, st. Catechetical lecture 13. 2 // Ibid. P. 180–209, here: P. 181.

9. Sophrony (Sakharov), hieromonk. Unity of the Church in the image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity. P. 17.

10. Ibid. P. 16.

11. Ibid. P. 17.

12. Ibid.

13. The Voice of Mount Athos. Holy Mountain’s Hieroschemamonk Elder Theodosius Karulsky on the Old and New Style // http://afonit.info/biblioteka/nasledie-svyatoj-gory/o-novom-i-starom-stile

14. Lossky, V.N. Catholic Consciousness. Anthropological Application of the Dogma of the Church // Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate. 1969, № 10. P. 74–80, here: P. 80.

15. Sophrony (Sakharov), hieromonk. Unity of the Church in the image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity. P. 17.

16. Ibid.

17. P. 20.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid. P. 20–21.

22. Ibid. P. 21.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid. P. 24.

26. Cited from: ibid.

27. Ibid. P. 25.

28. The outrageous declaration of the current Primate of the Church of Constantinople that “the Slavs cannot accept the primacy of our (Greek) nation in Orthodoxy”! See: URL: http://nk.org.ua/politika/varfolomey-slavyane-ne-mogut-smiritsya-s-perve... (the date of reference is 12/01/2018). It should be stressed that the heresy of ethnophyletism was condemned by the Church long ago, at the Local Council of Constantinople in 1872.

29. Sophrony (Sakharov), hieromonk. Unity of the Church in the image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity. P. 25.

30. Ibid. P. 27.

31. Ibid. P. 25.

32. S. Troitsky. On Church Autocephaly // Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate. 1948, No. 7. P. 33–54, here: P. 34.

33. Sophrony (Sakharov), hieromonk. Unity of the Church in the image of the Unity of the Holy Trinity. P. 25.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid. P. 28.

38. Ibid. P. 32. See: Tyshkevich S. Church of the God-Man. Lvov: Varyag Printing house, 1993. P. 70:256.

39. Ibid. P. 32.

40. Ibid.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid. P. 31.

43. Ibid. P. 30.

44. Ibid. P. 31.

45. Ibid. P. 17.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid. P. 32.

48. Ibid. P. 17.

49. Sophrony (Sakharov), archimandrite. Spiritual conversations: In 2 volumes. V. 2. St. John the Baptist Monastery, Essex-M., 2007. P. 131.

50. Sophrony (Sakharov), archimandrite. Saint Silouan the Athonite. The Trinity Lavra of St.Sergius, 2010. P. 266.

51. Sophrony (Sakharov), archimandrite. Letters to Close Friends. Moscow, 1997. P. 117.

52. Acts of the Moscow Meeting of Heads and Representatives of Autocephalous Orthodox Churches in connection with the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the autocephaly of the Russian Orthodox Church. Moscow: ed. Moscow Patriarchy, 1949. V. 1. P. 90.

 

Source:

https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Kirill_I_Mefodij_Zinkovskie/the-heresy-of-constantinople-s-neo-papism-in-light-of-orthodox-trinitarian-theology/

Outline and Summary of “The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill”

ChatGPT-6.0 generated on October 28, 2026, per a reader’s request.     Silouan Wright and Panagiotis Makris | 915-page PDF | 34 chap...