Saturday, May 30, 2026

Metropolitan Philaret of New York: The Guardian of the Lord’s House

Protopriest Alexei Mikrikov (+2023)

Assigned to Holy Trinity Monastery, Jordanville, NY

Translated from the Russian by Eugenia Chisholm and verified against the original published in Volume 2791 of Nasha Strana, March 2006; there are some variances in versions published on various websites. Published in Living Orthodoxy by St. John of Kronstadt Press.

 

 

Some History

Beginning in 1945, Archimandrite Philaret (Voznesensky), subsequently the First Hierarch of ROCOR, and the entire Far East diocese, were being forced to enter the Moscow Patriarchate, since at the time the Soviet army had occupied China and established total Soviet control.

The Soviet power immediately branded all Russian émigrés “enemies of the people” and, within half a year, had arrested 50,000 people, including the young and elderly. All fifty thousand Harbin residents were transported to the USSR. Beyond Atpor Station, fourteen thousand of them were executed; the remaining thirty-six thousand were sent to concentration camps where they were starved as described in the book Father Arseny. It is assumed that they all perished in concentration camps. (Among those killed were people such as K. Rodzaevsky, together with his Fascists, as well as people from Osano who collaborated with the Japanese.) Every third young man in Harbin was seized by the Soviet forces, taken to the USSR, and annihilated in a concentration camp. The Soviet totalitarian regime annihilated them because of their Orthodoxy, for refusing to recognize the sergianist heresy, which teaches conscientious submission to the theomachists.

Overall, the Soviet regime killed around seventy million Orthodox people, destroyed more than thirty thousand churches, confiscated land and property. It committed the genocide of the Russian Orthodox people, caused civil war, blasphemed God, and ripped out the people’s faith in God through fear and terror. Who could obey such a regime in good conscience and collaborate with it?

The remaining Russian residents of Harbin were forced to accept Soviet citizenship. However, Archimandrite Philaret openly refused to do this. Also, when he served divine liturgy he never commemorated the Soviet regime. He delivered thundering sermons on truth and falsehood, after listening to which it seemed to us that these were the final days of his life. He openly served panikhidas for the murdered Tsar Nicholas II and his entire Royal Family, and said in his sermons that the most important thing about the Great Martyr Tsar was that he had the mind of Christ and therefore could not be brainwashed and did not have the perfidious spirit of anti-Christ that had gripped all of Russia. He also brought together young people for meetings at which he explained the teaching of Christ.

Father Philaret Under Torture

The city of Harbin, Manchuria had been occupied by the Japanese from 1904 to 1945. The Japanese tried with all their might to hold onto this Chinese province, since it provided enormous material advantages to Japan and gave access to the mainland, which made Japan strong in an international military-political sense. But the Russian émigrés were a problem for the Japanese because of their unique non-Asian mentality. With the aim of using young Russians for military purposes, the Japanese first attempted to stamp out that social-religious mentality of our émigrés. With this objective they positioned an idol of the goddess Amateresa across the road from the St. Nicholas Cathedral, so that Russian people arriving for services would first bow in the direction of the idol before entering the cathedral to worship God.

Metropolitan Melety reacted immediately: he issued an epistle in which he explained that it was impermissible to bow to the idol. Then the Japanese began to accuse Metropolitan Melety and the clergy of committing acts against their authority.

Archimandrite Philaret objected particularly resolutely to the Japanese. Then the Japanese seized him and began to torture him. They cut open his cheek and almost gouged out one eye, but he tolerated the torture. Then the main torturer told Father Philaret: “We have an instrument fired by electricity, through the use of which everyone has agreed to comply with our demands, and you will comply too.” (Father Philaret told me personally about this.)

The torturer brought the red-hot electrical instrument. Then Father Philaret prayed to Saint Nicholas the Wonderworker with the words: “Saint Nicholas, help me; otherwise, there may be a betrayal.” The time for torture arrived. The torturer undressed him to the waist and began to burn his back with the red-hot iron. And, oh — a miracle occurred! Father Philaret could smell the burnt flesh, but felt no pain. His soul was joyful. The torturer could not understand why he was silent and not shouting and writhing from unbearable pain. Then the torturer turned and looked at Father Philaret’s face. When he saw his face, he knew he had been defeated. He waved his arms and muttered something in his Asian language and ran away, defeated by this super-human strength of endurance.

No one could endure such sufferings without the help of Christ God. But the suffering was so intense that he was close to death. Father Philaret, who was near death, was given to his relatives to be cared for. At this point in his account he grew silent. Later on he told me: “I was in veritable hell.” But God did not allow him to die. The wounds healed; only his eye remained somewhat displaced. The Japanese no longer wished to claim the bows of the Orthodox people. Until now I had not told everything that I had heard from Father Philaret, since I thought that everyone knew about these things.

Sergianism as Paganism

As young people living in China under the Soviet regime, experiencing violence and the fear of death, we quickly understood its anti-Christ nature. We realized that if God did not stop it that it would spiritually break all the people, making them zombies and forcing them to serve world evil.

It became clear that in his 1927 Declaration Metropolitan Sergius, on the advice of flesh and blood, out of fear of losing his life, having fallen into delusion, called everyone to in conscience obey the Soviet regime and collaborate with it. If the Lord said, “For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?” (Mark 8:36), then in his Declaration, Metropolitan Sergius was attempting to save people’s bodies, ignoring the eternal damage to their souls. This was precisely the pagan understanding of good and evil. This was precisely the betrayal and gross sin which Metropolitan Melety and Father Philaret in the Far East diocese and Father Arseny, “with many people” in Russia, feared to commit.

But in attempting to save the bodies of people according to the pagan method, Metropolitan Sergei doomed one third of Russia to the obliteration of both human bodies and souls — for through his Declaration he permitted the Soviet regime to officially classify those who did not accept it as political criminals. Is this not the greatest crime committed by the supreme church authority, before God and before the Church?

I realized that the anathema pronounced by the Holy Patriarch Tikhon against the Soviet godless authority and its collaborators is indeed God’s might condemning the Soviet regime and all its collaborators. Are not the words of Christ God, that it is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for these to enter the Kingdom of Heaven, applicable to the sergianists who committed this gross mistake and sin?

Then the answer to the question “what then is sergianism?” became clear to me. It is the encoding of the Orthodox consciousness with the pagan understanding of good and evil, through violence and morbid fear instilled in the population by the Soviet regime, with the aid of the supreme church authority. This is not a comforting answer, but it is one derived from the personal reality of life and the clear example of the life and service in the Russian Orthodox Church of Archimandrite Philaret.

Father Philaret and Metropolitan Melety, together with all the clergy, did not bow down before the idol of the goddess Amaterasa — but Metropolitan Sergius bowed down before the godless regime, leading all the clergy and people into error and sin.

After the Declaration the clergy changed. Father Arseny used to say: “What could the people glean from such pastors? What kind of an example are they? We raised our people poorly for we did not instill in them the deep foundation of Faith. Remember all of this! Remember it! This is why our people so quickly forgot us, their servants; they forgot the Faith and took part in the destruction of churches.” Father Philaret’s path was different. He rejected sergianism, did not collaborate with the regime… and he was esteemed as a leader of great spiritual authority by the Russian émigrés of Harbin.

An Attempt on the Life of the Confessor

Then, in October 1960, the Soviet régime, brimming with malice, decided to annihilate him through fire. This is how it happened: one night in the wee hours of Sunday, Archimandrite Philaret was awakened at about 2:00 am by a strange odor in his house, so he walked through into the parlor, in the corner of which was a storeroom. As he related, from under the door of the store-room a pungent, sharp-smelling smoke was pouring out. He went straight to the bathroom and poured water into a basin, returned to the storeroom and, having opened the door, he splashed the water in the direction of the origin of the smoke. Suddenly there was a loud explosion accompanied by intense fire. The fire burned him and the shock wave of the explosion pushed him with great force, lifting him and throwing him across the entire parlor and pushed him against the exterior door. Fortunately, the door opened outward. The impact of his flying body tore off the hinges, and he fell on the ground, deafened but alive. When he came to, he saw the house burning like a torch. Archimandrite Philaret realized that a thermic bomb had exploded which burned down the house in mere minutes.

That same night a certain Zinaida Lvovna, a member of the sisterhood of the church and Mercy House, had walked out of her home which was across the street from the church at around midnight. She saw fire trucks standing in the street near the church, but there was no fire. Such an incomprehensible and unusual accumulation of firefighting vehicles surprised her. Around two hours later, when the sound of the exploding bomb woke her, she immediately went out on the street and saw the house almost completely burned, [the remains of] which the firefighters were extinguishing. Meanwhile, Archimandrite Philaret was standing on the front steps of the church, shivering from cold, suffering from severe burns and contusion. Zinaida Lvovna immediately understood that the fire had been set by the Soviet authority with the purpose of killing Father Philaret. She quickly crossed the road and invited him into her house.

But the Chinese chief fireman, seeing that Archimandrite Philaret was alive, accused him of setting the fire and wanted to arrest him. However, the astute Zinaida Lvovna quickly turned to the Chinese authority and said: “It appears that you positioned your firetrucks in advance, knowing that a fire would break out? Who informed you in advance about the fire?”

The fire chief was at a loss for words and could not provide an answer. Meanwhile, Zinaida Lvovna and Archimandrite Philaret reached her house, in which there was a room without any windows. She situated Archimandrite Philaret in there, for she knew that the Soviet killers could penetrate a window and kill him.

The next day, Sunday, some young people came early for service, but the church was closed and the house where the rector had lived was burned to the ground. I managed to meet Zinaida Lvovna and found out from her what had happened that night. I asked for permission to see Father Philaret.

At first glance I saw Father Philaret in a state of utter physical exhaustion and pain. His burnt cheek was dark brown. But the expression in his eyes revealed firm submission to the will of God and a joyful fearlessness in service to Him and the Orthodox people. I went numb from the unexpectedness of this sight, for it was immediately obvious that he was a hair from death. Yet he avoided death by some miracle. And suddenly I hear his greeting:

“S’prazdnikom” (Greeting on the feast — tr.). He said this greeting the same way people say “Christ is Risen!” on Pascha. Tears flowed from my eyes instead of a response. I had not cried since I was a child. But here, a 20-year old grown man, I stood on my knees before him without speaking, tears streaming, and kissed his right hand.

I then understood that he, like the fourth Babylonian youth, had become a Man of Fire who did not burn up in the Chinese thermic oven of the 20th century, stoked by the theomachist Krushchev, seventy times greater than the one fired up by Nebuchadnezzar in the sixth century BC. It became clear that the grace of God had saved Father Philaret for his firm and fearless fulfillment of Holy Patriarch Tikhon’s commandment.

Two months passed. He began serving again, and within half a year was able to live independently in the mezzanine over the church. But suddenly he moved back to Zinaida Lvovna’s. We were told in confidence that one day Archimandrite Philaret had returned to his cell after service, opened the door with his key and entered. But suddenly he saw the tips of enormous shoes protruding from under the drapes. Realizing that a murderer sent by the Soviet régime stood there, he walked over to his dresser, pretending to take something from it, and quickly walked out of his cell, locking the door. After this episode a man from the Chinese police came to Zinaida Lvovna’s and asked why Archimandrite Philaret doesn’t spend the night in his cell. She immediately understood the situation and answered that he was physically weak and exhausted.

Not long afterwards, Father Philaret, through spiritual discernment, discovered a picture of satan under the altar table in the church at Mercy House. The picture was immediately removed. The Soviet authority did not know how to aggravate or mock a man with apostolic boldness and faith which made him the bearer of the invincible grace of God.

Having passed through all temptations, having passed through fire and water in the spiritual and literal sense, Archimandrite Philaret had received a gift from God: no matter who turned to him with any request, by his prayers God satisfied the request of the petitioner. After his death this gift has been magnified.

More Attempts on His Life

In 1961 Archimandrite Philaret moved to Australia, where he again entered the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia. But apparently, a mitred protopriest said on November 2, 2003, he first offered his “repentance” and only then was consecrated Bishop of Brisbane. Of what did this “repentance” consist if he had never accepted the mistakes of sergianism, if he had never recognized the evil war against God by the Soviet regime as good, if he had always been faithful to the Church, the true homeland and the people?

There was a third attempt on his life in the 1970s, on Pascha, when he had already become Metropolitan and First Hierarch of ROCOR and lived in the USA. But the attempt was unsuccessful.

A fourth attempt was made on a ship, when Metropolitan Philaret was returning from France after a visit to the Lesna Convent. On the return voyage an unusual phenomenon occurred in the ship’s boiler: suddenly, in the middle of the day, such an intense fire started up in the boiler that the smoke stack became white-hot. The ship’s captain, seeing no way to diminish the intensity of the fire, which threatened to melt the smoke stack (thus fire would engulf the entire ship and devour all its passengers), came at this critical moment to Vladika Philaret and asked him to pray, for, according to his view, only God could save the ship and passengers. Vladika Philaret heard what the captain had to say and immediately began to pray to God. Between ten to twenty minutes later the smoke stack had cooled to red; within the hour it was once again black. God had granted them salvation! The captain came to Metropolitan Philaret, kissed his hand and emotionally thanked him for his prayers… Now let’s ask ourselves, how could the flame have acquired such a catastrophic intensity? Did this happen on its own? Or, just as before, was the evil hand of a KGB agent involved in order to annihilate Vladika?

Since then, almost half a century has passed. I myself have been serving in ROCOR as a priest for more than thirty years. I also have always followed my spiritual father and never commemorated the Soviet regime, nor did I collaborate with it. Therefore, I believe that I have never been under the anathema of the Holy Patriarch Tikhon. But that same mitred protopriest [who alleged Vladyka Philaret’s “repentance”] unabashedly asserts that Metropolitan Philaret and all the “Chinese émigrés” supposedly automatically fell under the anathema of St. Patriarch Tikhon because they happened to be living on territory of the Moscow Patriarchate from 1945 to 1961. How could this be — for they loved Christ God and never betrayed Him, never accepted the mistake of sergianism, and did not collaborate with the Soviet regime?

I protest such inhumane misunderstanding and condemnation. In the beginning of the 21st century do not the incorrupt relics of Metropolitan Philaret prove that God holds him as a saint for his battle against the pagan understanding of good and evil, for not agreeing with the mistake of sergianism, for not collaborating with the godless authority?

If, during the Soviet era, sergianism created a pagan mindset, after the Soviet regime ended this sergianist mindset is already turning into an anti-Christ mindset. Therefore unification must begin with a general condemnation of the error of the supreme church authority at a council of all Moscow Patriarchate and ROCOR bishops. Only after this condemnation would we be able to approach one Chalice of Christ, for oneness of mind would have been achieved.

On the Road Toward Disaster

If the union of ROCOR and the Moscow Patriarchate is made without a preliminary condemnation of the sergianist heresy and anathema against ecumenism, it will lead to a spiritual catastrophe for ROCOR, causing the anathema of St. Patriarch Tikhon to extend onto ROCOR — something which was never the case for Metropolitan Philaret. He was never a cunning slave who lost his personal grace.

If the union occurs without a preliminary condemnation of the sergianist crime and ecumenism, will not the organizers of the unification within ROCOR become co-participants and collaborators of those who crucified Christ God? Will this unification not take place under the carnivorous mockery of the dead Soviet régime and the still living enemies of Christ?

It must also be noted that the glorification of the Holy Tsar Nicholas and all the New Martyrs started in Russia from a copy of the Myrrh-gushing Icon from ROCOR — yet the MP supreme church authority did not want to glorify the Great Martyr Tsar Nicholas and the New Martyrs. The glorification only took place when the supreme church authority could no longer oppose the will of the people or the miraculous sign of the fragrant myrrh streaming from the icon of St. Tsar Nicholas and his royal family.

The Guards of the Lord’s House

Terrifying news is coming out of Russia that Patriarch Alexei II with his hierarchy wish to glorify Patriarch Sergius for his Declaration of 1927, this gross mistake and lie. A certain Sergei Fomin calls Sergius “The Guard of the Lord’s House” in a book with the same title.

Can the supreme church authority of ROCOR accept this without a loss of its own grace and falling under the anathema of St. Patriarch Tikhon? No, it cannot! This is my own conviction; I am not forcing it on anyone, but having taken on this ecclesiological mindset, I cannot reject it even until death.

The 1927 Declaration of Metropolitan Sergius, for the consciousness abroad, is an impassable abyss dividing the MP and the Church in the diaspora even until the Lord’s dread judgment. St. Patriarch Tikhon, Metropolitan Melety, Father Arseny, Father Philaret — these could be called the Guardians of the Lord’s House, but not Sergius under any circumstances.

Regarding Myself

The martyric podvig of Father Philaret had such a strong impact on me that I completely joined his belief and outlook. The number of such faithful was constantly increasing. But I will admit that the fear of pain enslaved me; I was afraid I could not withstand such torture if it happened to me. Upon arriving in Australia, I would have nightmares. It seemed that the Communists were pursuing me; I would run from them and finally wake up in horror with cold sweat on my brow. For approximately thirty seconds I could not get my bearings. But then I would remember I was in Australia and would calm down. This went on for about three years.

I understood well that I was weak and sinful and therefore was afraid to become a priest. I even thought of running away from the Holy Trinity Seminary, where I was studying. But Metropolitan Philaret learned of this. When he saw me next he said to me: “What is this I hear? Watch out, or I’ll box your ears!” Then I completed seminary. I was very fearful of entering the priesthood, which Vladika Theodosy of Australia insisted I do. Before I entered the priesthood, Vladika Philaret phoned me in Australia and blessed me. Then I calmed down.

In Australia, when I was already a priest, I met with Vladika Philaret. Again I said to him: “Vladika Philaret, I won’t endure torture, but I think I could take a bullet if God helps.” He didn’t answer. I understood that he would pray for me not to lose my faith and become a sergianist.

 


On the 1998 Greek Old Calendarist Anathema Against Ecumenism: “An Informatory Epistle” from the Holy Synod in Resistance


 

Protocol No. 1096

Fili, Attika

12 December 1998 (Old Style)

St. Spyridon of Trimythous

 

 

AN INFORMATORY EPISTLE

Most Reverend and Right Reverend beloved Brethren in the Holy Spirit and concelebrants with me, the unworthy one: greeting you with a holy kiss in Christ our Incarnate Savior, it is with the greatest pleasure that I address you.

I

A Very Serious Matter Has Arisen

1. I hasten, through the present Informatory Epistle, to share some of my opinions with you in a timely manner—in a condensed form, of course, and with the prospect of a more wide-ranging discussion in Synod at a suitable time, with the coöperation of the Lord—on a very serious matter that has recently arisen.

2. The matter in question is the synodal endorsement of the “Constitutional Charter and Regulations” (18 September 1998) of the [Old Calendarist] jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos (Kiousis) and of its “Synodal Condemnation and Anathematization of the Heresy of Ecumenism” (25 September 1998), which is now in force.

3. The documents at issue were published in the “official journal” of this jurisdiction, i.e., in the periodical Ἐκκλησία Γ.Ο.Χ. Ἑλλάδος [The True Orthodox Church of Greece] (No. 23 [November-December 1998], pp. 25-40 and p. 45, respectively), and they pro­voked—primarily the first, namely, the “Constitutional Charter and Regulations”—a strong reaction in its ranks.

4. It is almost certain that the waves of the tempest that has been stirred up will also strike the ship of our own Holy Synod in Resistance, and especially at the level of our spiritual children, some of whom are pious, but naïve and ill-informed.

5. For this reason, I am setting forth for you, Most Reverend and Right Reverend Brethren, some general observations regarding the aforementioned texts and decisions, in order that we might have a common understanding regarding matters of such ecclesiologi­cal gravity and importance, and that in this way unity among us, and also sobriety, might be preserved, so that, by the Grace of the Lord, we might continue working positively and constructively for the unity of the Most Holy Orthodox Church.

6. A fruitful and constructive discussion of the ecclesiological views set forth in what follows is assuredly to be wished for and desired, since it will certainly contribute to our discerning clearly and unerringly “what is that good and acceptable and perfect will of God.” [1]

7. To this end, and for a more detailed exposition of the issues dealt with in the present Informatory Epistle, we are also sending three earlier ecclesiological texts of ours, to wit, the following:

(i) “The ‘Lawful’ Character of the Struggle Against Ecumenism.”

(ii) “On the Status of Uncondemned Heretics”

(iii) “The Nature of the Condemnation of the Papal Calendar.”

8. Finally, I would remind you that the ecclesiological precepts in question, based on the aforementioned works, were presented by me on the Sunday of Orthodoxy and published under the title, The Heresy of Ecumenism and the Patristic Stand of the Orthodox, Number IV in the Series “Contributions to a Theology of Anti-Ecumenism” (Etna, CA: Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies, 1998).

* * *

II

Basic Ecclesiological Precepts

1. In order that you might understand more fully all of the points that will subsequently be set forth, let me remind you of the fol­lowing basic ecclesiological precepts:

(a) The Old Calendarist Orthodox in resistance, who have walled themselves off on account of ecumenism, are the anti-innovation­ist flock of the Orthodox Church and, in the words of St. Basil the Great, constitute the “healthy part” of the Body of Christ. [2]

(b) This “healthy part” of the Church, to be sure, has fullness in Christ, which is expressed in the Mystery of the Divine Eucharist, and consequently it embodies in itself—as is also the case in each Eucharistic community or parish—the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, because, according to St. Ignatios, “wherever Jesus Christ is, there is the Catholic Church.” [3]

(c) In spite of this, the “healthy part” in resistance neither consti­tutes the Church in Her totality nor even the local Church—the Church of Greece, in our case—, and all the more because the anti-innovationist flock today is unfortunately divided into many jurisdictions and is prone to fragmentation and infighting.

(d) Strictly speaking, the “healthy part” constitutes only the anti-innovationist segment— walled off and in resistance—of the “Church of God that sojourns in Greece.” [4]

2. This anti-innovationist Orthodox community in resistance, in Greece, ought, in love and humility, and in anticipation of a uni­fying Orthodox general synod,

(a) not to have communion with the “diseased” part of the Church; [5]

(b) to make the rest of the members of the Body sensitive to the need to break communion, too, lest they likewise become diseased;

(c) to aid in the repentance and cure of the ailing members, so as to avoid the worsening of their illness and their final excision from the Body; and

(d) to contribute, finally, to the convocation of a competent Synod, which would take measures to prevent the disease from spreading to the entire Body.

3. (a) Of course, whoever “preacheth any other Gospel unto you than that ye have received” is subject to the Apostolic anathema: “let him be accursed.” [6]

(b) The proclamation of an anathema, however, is not the busi­ness of individuals among the Faithful, and he who “dares” to do such a thing, according to St. John Chrysostomos, does things that are “contrary to the Master’s death and forestalls the King’s judgment,” usurping “a great dignity” belonging only to the Holy Apostles and their worthy successors. [7] Abba Barsanouphios adds this telling comment: “Do not be hasty to anathematize anyone at all,” but say only, “if I anathematize Satan himself, insofar as I do his works, I anathematize myself.” [8]

(c) Likewise, the right to issue an anathema does not belong to ecclesiastical administrative bodies which have a temporary synodal structure, but which do not possess all the canonical pre­requisites to represent the Church fully, validly, and suitably for the proclamation of an anathema—a right and “dignity” which is “granted” only to the choir of the Apostles “and those who have truly become their successors in the strictest sense, full of Grace and power.” [9]

(d) In any case, one way or another, automatic enforcement of an anathema that may have been previously proclaimed, and simul­taneous excision from the Body of the Church, are not our goal; for, the Seventh Holy OEcumenical Synod, in its Ὄρος, provides for a judicial process leading to “deposition” and “excommunica­tion,” and this by a competent Synodal body, of course:

We order that those who dare to think or teach differently, or, in accor­dance with the abominable heretics, to overthrow the Traditions of the Church and devise some innovation..., if they be Bishops or clergy, should be deposed, and if monastics or laymen, should be excommunicated. [10]

4. (a) We can understand what a serious matter it is to proclaim an anathema—something which postulates the existence of a syn­odal body of unequivocal and indisputable ecclesiastical author­ity—, when we take into account how the Saints respond to this crucial question: What is an anathema?

(b) “What else, therefore, do you mean by ‘anathema,’” inquires St. John Chrysostomos, “than: let this man be consigned to the Devil, let him no longer have any possibility of salvation, and let him be estranged from Christ?”; “for anathema cuts one off from Christ completely.” [11]

(c) St. Tarasios of Constantinople makes this striking remark: “Anathema is a terrible thing; it casts a man far away from God and banishes him from the Kingdom of Heaven, leading him away into the outer darkness.” [12]

(d) Finally, the Blessed Theodoretos of Cyrus interprets the Apostolic phrase, “let him be anathema,” [13] thusly: “let him be estranged from the common body of the Church.” [14]

5. (a) The extremely serious implications of an anathema, coupled, first, with the absence, in our day, of a synodal body endowed with all of the aforementioned canonical prerequisites for pro­claiming an anathema and, secondly, with the immense confu­sion that prevails, on account of ecumenism, in the ranks of the local Orthodox Churches, constitute, today, a major restraint on, and an insurmountable impediment to, such a momentous and, at the same time, historic action.

(b) Aside from anything else, this view is substantiated by the very noteworthy fact that during the period of turmoil that occurred in the second wave of Iconoclasm, St. Theodore the Studite advised a certain “Presbyter who,” out of weakness, “had signed a statement opposing the iconic depiction of Christ,” but who was already deeply repenting for this deed, that he should “desist completely from serving as a Priest”; although at that time there existed Orthodox Confessor-Hierarchs, he provides the fallen Presbyter with absolute assurance that it is not possible for him to be released from his suspension by any Hierarch whomso­ever, “and this, until peace is restored to the Church of God, at which time every single one of such matters will be appropriately settled by synodal judgment and will receive a verdict ordained by God.” [15]

6. Now, with regard to the prerequisites for a synodal body, they are primarily the following:

(a) a profound awareness that it canonically, fully, and uncon­ditionally represents the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church and functions in Her name;

(b) the power to arraign those who “preach any other gospel than that we have received,” i.e., to summon and judge them, unwaveringly preserving the established synodal procedures and having as its criterion the theological and canonical Tradition of Orthodoxy;

(c) the supreme authority to depose those of wrong belief, in the event that they remain unrepentant, to banish them from their Thrones, and, ultimately, to anathematize them.

• Such a synodal body, however, with such sweeping powers and broad jurisdiction, does not exist, at least at present; but the seg­ment of the Church that maintains a correct and healthy resis­tance is working assiduously and prudently towards this end.

7. With regard to the tremendous confusion caused by ecumenism, we should avoid indiscriminate generalizations deriving from undiscerning zeal, and we should never forget that the local Churches cannot be characterized, today, in their entirety as ecu­menist, taking into consideration, on the one hand, that only a small portion of them consists of out-and-out ecumenists, while the overwhelming, albeit silent, majority is anti-ecumenist; and, on the other hand, that no local Church has proclaimed synod­ally that the primary dogma of ecumenism is a teaching of the Orthodox Church, which must be believed and is necessary for salvation; neither has there ever been any pan-Orthodox procla­mation to this effect.

8. This thesis has strong Patristic support in St. Theodore the Studite, who asserts that if a Metropolitan falls into heresy, it is not the case that all of those who are in direct or indirect communion with him are regarded automatically and without distinction as heretics, despite, of course, the fact that by this stand of theirs “they bring upon themselves the fearful charge of silence.” [16]

9. Given these considerations—expressed, of course, with the utmost concision—, there remains the possibility, attested, moreover, by Holy Tradition, that only heretical doctrines (the anathema of an opinion), and not their purveyors (a personal anathema), should be anathematized and refuted, in order that our flock might be protected, out of fear of their safety, [17] and not led astray by the corruption of wrong belief.

(a) The Holy Apostle Paul, according to the Divine Chrysostomos, “appears to utter this expression [i.e., “anathema”] out of necessity only in two places, and without bringing it to bear on a particu­lar person. In his First Epistle to the Corinthians, he says: ‘If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be anathema’; and [in the Epistle to the Galatians]: ‘If any man preach any other gospel unto you than that ye have received, let him be accursed [anathema].’” [18]

(b) St. John offers the following advice: “We must anathematize heretical doctrines and refute impious teachings, from whom­soever we have received them, but show mercy to the men who advocate them and pray for their salvation.” [19]

10. (a) But this non-personal anathematization is already occurring on a continuing basis, because whenever we proclaim a completely Orthodox ecclesiology, not only in practice, through walling-off, but also in writing and orally, we potentially anathematize every heretical or ecumenist impiety.

(b) This position derives directly and clearly from St. Theodore the Studite, who states that “everyone who is Orthodox in every respect anathematizes every heretic potentially, even if not ver­bally.” [20]

***

III

Fundamental Pastoral Principles

1. However, even if the potential anathematization that is already in effect is not considered pastorally sufficient, we must, at least for the time being, avoid directly and explicitly proclaiming any anathema aimed solely at heretical and impious doctrines (the anathema of an opinion), on the one hand, because our pious flock is not in immediate danger of being seduced by the false teaching of the ecumenist innovation and, on the other hand, for the following two serious pastoral reasons.

2. With regard to the “healthy part” of the Church, that is, our flock.

(a) The fact that the Faithful generally do not have any profound knowledge either of the Patristic and Synodal teaching of our Church, or of the polymorphous heresy of ecumenism, coupled with their at times undiscerning zeal, will cause them confusion, because they lack the criteria for distinguishing between a per­sonal anathema and the anathema of an opinion and, likewise, for distinguishing between one who is truly an ecumenist and one who is not, since in their simplicity they indiscriminately mix together and equate all of these things.

(b) It is certain that this confusion concerning those who are ail­ing in conscience will intensify and multiply the divisions and schisms in the “healthy part” of the Body of the Church and that it will not be long before it starts to have retroactive effects, with unforeseen consequences, because deceased family members, as well as persons of acknowledged sanctity, who, by judgments which the Lord alone knows, reposed nonetheless in the New Calendar Church, will be regarded as liable to anathema.

(c) At any rate, there is a spiritual solution for the difficulty faced by the Faithful, when pressure is put on them by the over-zealous to anathematize someone, in order to prove their Orthodoxy; in such a case, they can repeat, with minor alterations, the advice given by Abba Barsanouphios: “Brother, to anathematize some­one seems to me to be a form of condemnation; but I tell you this: I know of no other Faith than that of the Holy Fathers; and he who thinks contrary to this Faith, consigns himself to anath­ema.” [21]

3. With regard to the “diseased part” of the Body.

(a) Similarly, the dearth of spiritual knowledge and discernment on the part of our brothers who commune with those that are caught up in innovation and heresy, but have not yet been con­demned, combined with the proclamation of an anathema against the heretical doctrine [of ecumenism] (the anathema of an opin­ion), will bring about their total estrangement from the “healthy part” of the Church; moreover, it would erect an impenetrable wall between them and us, and in this way the missionary dimen­sion of Orthodox resistance would be completely destroyed, and any hope of their returning to the Faith that knows no innovation would be lost.

(b) It should be noted that our hitherto brotherly relations with them, and accommodating behavior towards them, have contrib­uted substantially to informing them and to promoting a gradual awareness on their part of the rightness of our stand, which has often led them to join the Orthodox resistance and to accept “sound doctrine.” [22]

• The Patristic grounds for this charitable pastoral stand of ours are very strong; in what follows, we will mention three compel­ling examples.

4. St. Basil the Great, in order to win over to Orthodoxy the Homoeousians, that is, the moderate Arians, first and foremost “employed οἰκονομία,” says St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite, “and for quite some time did not openly call the Holy Spirit God,” [23] for which reason he was unjustly accused of being a “crypto-Pneumatomachian”(!); [24] secondly, he did not make excessive demands on the “weaker brethren,” i.e., the Homoeousians, for he was convinced that “by longer association and mutual experience without strife,” whatever else was necessary would be given them by the Lord. [25]

5. Similarly, St. Cyril of Alexandria, in order to bring into unity with the Church those who were in danger of being engulfed by the error of Nestorianism, used a good deal of οἰκονομία and wrote to various zealous Orthodox Hierarchs: “There are times when, in the administration of affairs, certain people are constrained to veer slightly off the proper course, in order to achieve some greater gain”; “so also, in practical matters, when it is not possible to maintain absolute strictness, we overlook certain points, so as not to suffer the loss of the whole.” [26]

And, in speaking about “condescensions that are not unprofit­able,” [27] the Saint insists that “the nature of present circumstances sometimes compels us, against our will, to put up with situations that are contrary to our intention and our better judgment;” [28] “the matter requires great οἰκονομία,” [29] “which is applied to them like a remedy; for in a short time, they themselves will arrive at a sincere state of mind; and these are the ‘helps’ and ‘governments’ which the Blessed Paul mentioned,” “for we do not wish to ampu­tate, but to join together.” [30]

6. Finally, the Divine Chrysostomos, this sweetest and most chari­table Pastor, addressing those who were overly zealous and who wanted to anathematize the heretics of their era, invokes the Apostle’s words, “[The servant of the Lord...must be gentle unto all men...] in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves, if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowl­edging of the truth, and that they might recover themselves out of the snare of the Devil, who are taken captive by him at his will,” [31] and hands on to us an everlasting example of how to deal pastorally, “in the manner of the fishermen,” with those who are weaker:

‘Spread out the net of love, lest that which is lame be turned out of the way, but let it rather be healed’; ‘throw out the sweet bait of compassion, and thus, having searched what is hidden, snatch from the depth of perdition him who has let his mind drown therein’; ‘simply bear witness with forbearance and goodness, lest his soul be required from your hand by the Judge’; ‘we implore and adjure you to refrain from such an evil [that of anathematizing],’ because ‘you commit impiety in cutting off one who is mutable and capable of changing from evil to good.’ [32]

***

IV

Dogmatizing and Anathematizing Ignorantly

1. (a) On the basis of the aforementioned “Basic Ecclesiological Precepts” and “Fundamental Pastoral Principles,” we are in a better position to make critical comments on the two recent and complementary documents issued by the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos (Kiousis), to wit, the “Constitutional Charter and Regulations” and the “Synodal Condemnation and Anathematization of the Heresy of Ecumenism.”

(b) The first of these documents is dominated by an intensely legalistic spirit, is devoid of Grace, freedom, and love, literally causes suffocation, is an instrument of repression and destruction rather than a “schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ,” and, in the end, transforms the assembly of the “True Orthodox Church of Greece” into a body that passes itself off as religious, centralized like the Vatican, and totalitarian in character.

(c) The second document is literally riddled, from a theological point of view, with canonical, pastoral, historical, logical, and grammatical errors, in spite of its relative brevity.

2. With regard both to the authors and to those who endorsed and signed these documents, the very timely and apt remarks of the Divine Chrysostomos are apropos:

For as I go on, I see men who neither possess minds educated by Divine Scripture, nor understand anything whatsoever of this Scripture, and in spite of my great embarrassment I keep silent, as they rave and quar­rel, ‘knowing neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm,’ ignorantly daring to pronounce this very teaching alone as a dogma, and to anath­ematize things of which they have no knowledge, such that those who are strangers to the Faith ridicule our affairs, for we are neither concerned about living a good life nor have we learned to do what is good. [33]

3. (a) Those who belong to the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos, though manifestly aware that only the Church could take the most daring step of “Condemning and Anathematizing,” hasten to proclaim themselves to be in “canonical and unbroken continuity with the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church founded by Christ” and to assert that the assembly of the “True Orthodox Church of Greece” is “the local Orthodox Catholic Church in Greece, which Christ founded,” and which is “auto­cephalous,” to boot. [34]

(b) This is a clear transgression of the sole canonical limits within which the anti-innovationist flock in resistance, that has walled itself off, is permitted to act, until a “synodal decision,” [35] that is, a “final decision,” [36] against the purveyors of false teaching by a competent synodal body is convened, in accordance with synodal tradition, “for the union and harmony of the Church” [37] and “for the union of the Holy Catholic Church of God.” [38]

4. (a) By virtue of this aforementioned ecclesiological self-understand­ing, promulgated by the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos, the well-nigh insurmountable chasm that already exists between ourselves and them has now turned into an abyss.

(b) This state of affairs clearly arises from the other very clear sen­timent of the “Constitutional Charter and Regulations,” that the assembly of the “True Orthodox Church of Greece” is “the only sure way of salvation for her members,” as being the One Church, from which “certain groups belonging to our Church, which fol­low various deposed former clergy of ours,” have broken away. [39]

(c) It goes without saying that they consider us to be explicitly outside the Church, that is, outside the “only sure way of salva­tion”!

5. (a) It was to be expected, therefore, given these ecclesiological views, that the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos would usurp the prerogatives of an OEcumenical Synod and proceed to a full “Synodal Condemnation and Anathematization of the heresy of ecumenism”; i.e., it has both “applied it to particular persons” (a personal anathema) and anathematized “heretical dogmas” (the anathema of an opinion). [40]

(b) We will make only the following critical and selective com­ments on this document, i.e., on its twofold anathema.

6. (a) The first and principal section contains a patently false teach­ing: It is asserted that “the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, which is the Church of the firstborn in Heaven,” became “the Body of Christ at the advent of the Holy Spirit on Holy Pentecost”!

(b) That is to say, the Holy Spirit “descended” (read: “ascended”) upon the “Church in Heaven,” not upon the historical commu­nity of the Holy Apostles, “with Mary the Mother of Jesus, and with His brethren,” who were all in the upper room of the house where they were staying in Jerusalem. [41]

(c) According to this line of thinking, the Church has not hith­erto existed on earth!

7. (a) In this labyrinthine and syntactically awkward first section, teachings are ascribed to the “newly-manifest ecumenists” which none of them has ever actually expressed, at least not officially, jointly, or in this extreme form.

(b) This absurdity underscores our own view, that in order for the heresy to be judged, deep knowledge of the false doctrine of ecumenism in its many forms is required, lest we align ourselves, as the Divine Chrysostomos puts it, with those who “ignorantly dare to make dogmatic pronouncements,” and “to anathematize things of which they have no knowledge, such that those who are strangers to the Faith ridicule our affairs.” [42]

(c) It is worth noting that the Seventh OEcumenical Synod draws it to the attention of the Faithful that they should read the hereti­cal writings under consideration “searchingly and not cursorily,” [43] if they are to draw the correct conclusions and formulate a “just judgment.”

8. Following on from this, one is perplexed as to why, among the “pioneers of the false teachings of ecumenism,” many others were not included, such as Metropolitan Nicholas of Cæsarea, who, as “locum tenens of the OEcumenical Throne,” signed the “Synodal Epistle to the Delegation of the Faith and Order Movement” (Protocol No. 2672 [10 April 1919]), which consti­tutes the first openly ecumenist official text of the Patriarchate of Constantinople; [44] also not included were “the locum tenens of the Patriarchal OEcumenical Throne of Constantinople,” Dorotheos of Proussa, and the other members of the Synod who signed the 1920 Encyclical, which, as is well known, “constitutes a definitive expression of Orthodox ecumenism, and also a milestone in the history of the ecumenical movement”; [45] also overlooked were Patriarch Gregory VII of Constantinople, who implemented the calendar reform, and its great theoretician, Anthimos of Bizya (and subsequently of Maroneia), and Patriarchs Athenagoras, Demetrios, and Bartholomew—to dwell on the more important figures—, who give and have given great impetus to ecumenism in both word and deed—although a multitude of other clergy and laity ought to be mentioned, including, of course, those belonging to other Orthodox jurisdictions.

• At any rate, these omissions, as well as those of the ensuing para­graph, bear witness to the reliability of what we said in §7 regard­ing “anathematizing things of which they have no knowledge.”

9. Consequently, while the congress held on the Holy Mountain in 1931 is numbered among the “congresses that acted arrogantly against the Orthodox Faith” (and does anyone know in what way this congress “acted arrogantly” against Orthodoxy?), oddly enough, the Patriarchal Synods of 1920, which signed the well-known Encyclical, and 1965, which decided on and brought about the lifting of the anathemas against Papism, are passed over in silence; likewise, no mention is made of the two Synods held under Archbishop Chrysostomos (Papadopoulos) of Athens, the Fourth (April 1923) and the Fifth (December 1923), which decided to introduce the calendar reform in Greece; and finally—not to belabor the point—there is no mention of the successive “Pre-Synodal Pan-Orthodox Consultations” (Rhodes and Geneva, 1961-), which have been preparing, in an ecumenical spirit, for the so-called “Holy and Great Synod.”

10. Next, what pastoral purpose is served by the fourth anath­ema—one that is truly “off the wall”—concerning those who say that “Christ had two sanctities, a Divine and a human, and that His human sanctity experienced progress,” since among the Old Calendarists such views have never been espoused; nor are the Faithful, who are fully aware that these Nestorian beliefs have repeatedly been condemned in the past by the OEcumenical Synods, at risk from them?

11. Similarly, what connection can the laudatory reference to the OEcumenical Patriarch and “those who took part in the Synod in Constantinople in the year 1848” possibly have with anti- ecumenism? And if this is perhaps an attempt to link it to anti-Papism, despite the fact that, paradoxically enough, the “Anathematization” concerns anti-ecumenism, why was there no mention of the countless Synods and Fathers who resolutely struggled against the multifarious heresy of Papism and in fact, pronounced anathemas against it?

12. (a) Finally, the reference to the well-known Synods of the six­teenth century is equally erroneous, as well as misleading.

(b) These Synods did indeed “condemn the calendar innova­tion,” but they condemned that of Pope Gregory XIII, which directly affected the Orthodox Paschalion, and certainly not the partially implemented innovation of 1924, which did not alter the four “Stipulations” concerning Pascha, and for this reason, as the Confessor-Hierarch, Metropolitan Chrysostomos of Florina stated, “is an issue that appears for the first time in the history of the Orthodox Church.” [46]

(c) Likewise, these sixteenth-century Synods did not “cut off from the Body of the Church those who accepted this innovation,” for the simple reason that none of the Orthodox of that time accept­ed it; in fact, it was rejected at a pan-Orthodox level.

(d) There was certainly never any possibility of any Synod in the sixteenth century “proleptically” cutting off from the Body of the Church “those who would accept” an innovation in the distant future, because excision, when it is deemed necessary, accord­ing to St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite, is always “put into actual effect by a Synod of living,” that is, present “Bishops,” while “the imperative force of Canons remains unexecuted and does not act of itself, either immediately or before a decision.” [47]

(e) This issue is extremely serious, if one takes into account that any acceptance of the erroneous idea of the automatic efficacy of Patristic and Synodal penalties and anathemas, prior to a specific ruling by a competent synodal body, would entail, for example, that the various Synods which have hitherto been convoked in order to condemn heretics and schismatics were wrongly con­voked, since all of these persons would already have been cut off from the Body of Christ, on the basis of the Apostolic anathema: “If any man preach any other gospel unto you than that ye have received, let him be accursed”; [48] furthermore, it would entail that, in essence, all of those Christians who in other respects are truly Orthodox in outlook are already cut off from the Church and have been handed over to Satan, on the basis of the other Apostolic anathema: “If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema.” [49]

(f) Besides, the mere idea that these Synods held in the sixteenth century “cut off from the Body of the Church those who would” in the future accept this innovation, aside from being inherently absurd, demonstrates the perversity of those who accepted and endorsed the idea, for the following very simple reason: if it really is the case that, at the time of the calendar change in 1924, all those who accepted it—and, of course, those in communion with them—were automatically and indiscriminately cut off from the Body of the Church, then the proclamation, seventy-four years later, of an anathema against them and the ecumenists who came after them would be completely devoid of meaning, because, as is well known, the Church does not judge those outside Her, according to the Apostle Paul, [50] of whose words St. Theophylact offers an excellent interpretation: “‘For what have I to do to judge them also that are without?’ says [Paul]; therefore, it is superflu­ous to apply the ordinances of God to those outside Christ’s fold; for whatever the Law says, it says to those under the Law.” [51]

***

V

The Presuppositions of Orthodox Theology

Most Reverend and Right Reverend Hierarchs:

1. By going on at such length, I have undoubtedly wearied you; but I hope that you will forgive me, because, as you will appreciate, the issue that has emerged is truly very serious.

2. We have approached only certain aspects of this issue, so that you might understand, by way of example, where an Old Calendarist jurisdiction can be led, when it does not have a correct and clear understanding of its ecclesiology, when it is not aware of its limi­tations, and finally, when it tackles questions of great importance in a slipshod and superficial manner, without pastoral discretion and without the requisite theological, spiritual, and intellectual qualifications.

3. To anticipate any objection you may have regarding the related condemnation of ecumenism by the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad (1983): in spite of the analogous and comparable problems that were presented when that much-discussed and controversial condemnation was issued—problems which still continue to bother our Russian brethren—, it is noteworthy that the Russian Synod at least did not take this step in the full and avowed belief that she constitutes the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church; nor did she “impose” the condemnation “on any definite person.”

4. Hence, in view of these two recent documents and actions on the part of the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos, it behooves us to delve more deeply into our ecclesiological identity; to main­tain a stricter stand towards this jurisdiction, which regards us as being already officially outside the Church; and to become more missionary-minded towards our brothers in the innovationist New Calendar Church, who expect us to act with sobriety and responsibility, in a spirit of love and humility.

5. We believe unshakably that this grave deviation on the part of the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos, as the culmina­tion of a series of many other deviations, is due to its inability to theologize in an Orthodox manner, primarily because it lacks the spiritual prerequisites for this, i.e., as St. Athanasios the Great puts it, “the modeling of one’s life after the Saints”; [52] it lacks, in particular, love and humility.

6. Here are the wondrous words of the OEcumenical Luminary of Alexandria:

‘For the searching of the Scriptures and true knowledge of them, a good life is needed, and a pure soul, and that virtue which is according to Christ’; ‘for, without a pure mind and a modeling of one’s life after the Saints, a man cannot possibly comprehend the words of the Saints’; ‘he who wishes to comprehend the mind of those who speak of God must begin by washing and cleansing his soul by his way of life, and approach the Saints themselves by imitating their works.’ [53]

7. It is, moreover, significant that Nestorios was unable to understand Orthodox Christology, although he was a very competent theo­logian, because he did not have a “pure mind,” on account of his haughtiness, arrogance, and hatred for his brothers; [54] in vain did the other Luminary of the inhabited earth, St. Cyril of Alexandria, remind this heresiarch of the very clear Christology of the Symbol of Faith, which the hapless Nestorios vehemently upheld, but did not understand correctly. [55]

8. Both then and at all times, and today, the Divinely inspired say­ing of Holy Scripture is constantly fulfilled: “For into a malicious soul wisdom shall not enter.” [56]

9. A dearth of love and humility has always been the principal char­acteristic of the jurisdiction of Archbishop Chrysostomos, a char­acteristic which is daily displayed in all areas and which creates problems upon problems, and for this reason his jurisdiction “has been given over to a reprobate mind.” [57]

10. But let us, by the Grace of the Lord, conducting ourselves in a missionary spirit towards the “weaker” and “ailing” part of the Church, never forget that “the nature of present circumstances” “requires great οἰκονομία” and condescension, for “we do not wish to amputate, but to join together,” as St. Cyril puts it.

11. Let the exhortation of St. John Chrysostomos, replete with broth­erly love, ever be a luminous signpost on our journey: “Spread out the net of love,” “throw out the sweet bait of compassion.”

***

After all this, again extending my greetings in Christ our Incarnate Savior to Your Eminences and Your Graces, I remain, with deep love in the Lord and all respect,

Your beloved brother in Christ,

Metropolitan Cyprian of Oropos and Fili,

President of the Holy Synod in Resistance

 

 

NOTES

1. Romans 12:2.

2. St. Basil the Great, Epistle 251, “To the People of Evæsæ,” §4, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XXXII, cols. 937C-938A.

• See also the following epistles of St. Basil: 82, 90, 91, 113, 204, 242, 243, and 251.

• See also St. Theodore the Studite, Epistle II.65, “To Navkratios, His Spiritual Child,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XCIX, col. 1288A.

3. St. Ignatios of Antioch, Epistle to the Smyrnæans VIII.2, Patrologia Græca, Vol. V, col. 713B.

4. Cf. St. Clement of Rome, First Epistle to the Corinthians I, Patrologia Græca, Vol. I, cols. 201B-204A.

5. See note 2.

6. Galatians 1:8, 9.

7. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” §3, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, col. 948.

• See also Πηδάλιον [The Rudder], p. 397, n. (“Prolegomena Concerning the Local Synod of Gangra”).

8. Abba Barsanouphios and John, Βίβλος ψυχωφελεστάτη [A Most Soul-Profiting Book], §§700, 701, 702 (Volos: S. Schoinas, 1960), pp. 320b-321a.

• See also Πηδάλιον, p. 397, n.

9. See note 7.

10. Mansi, Vol. XIII, col. 380B/Πρακτικά τῶν Ἁγίων καὶ Οἰκουμενικῶν Συνόδων [Proceedings of the Holy OEcumenical Synods], ed. Spyridon Melias (Holy Mountain: Kalyve of the Venerable Forerunner Publications, 1981), Vol. II, p. 874b (Seventh Session).

11. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” §3, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, col. 948.

• See also Πηδάλιον, p. 397, n.

12. St. Tarasios, Mansi, Vol. XII, col. 987C/ Πρακτικά, Vol. II, p. 724a (“Apologetic Discourse”).

• See also Πηδάλιον, p. 397, n.

13. I Corinthians 16:22.

14. Theodoretos of Cyrus, Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXXII, col. 373B.

15. St. Theodore the Studite, Epistle II.6, “To a Presbyter Who Had Signed an Heretical Statement,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XCIX, col. 1128CD.

16. Idem, Epistle I.49, “To Navkratios, His Spiritual Child,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XCIX, col. 1089A, and Epistle I.48, “To Athanasios, His Spiritual Child,” ibid., col. 1076C.

17. St. Theophylact of Bulgaria, in his interpretation of the Apostolic injunc­tion, “If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema” (I Corinthians 16:22), points out the instructive fear deriving from an anathema: “By this one word he put fear into” sinners and “in general into all those among the Corinthians who were living without regard for the teaching and tradition that he had imparted to them; for all such people have no love for the Lord” (Patrologia Græca, Vol. CXXIV, col. 793A).

18. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” §3, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, col. 948; I Corinthians 16:22; Galatians 1:8, 9.

19. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” §4, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, col. 952.

• See also Πηδάλιον, p. 397, n.

20. St. Theodore the Studite, Epistle I.49, “To Navkratios, His Spiritual Child,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XCIX, col. 1088B.

21. Cf. Abba Barsanouphios and John, Βίβλος ψυχωφελεστάτη, §702, p. 321a.

22. I St. Timothy 1:10; II St. Timothy 4:3; St. Titus 1:9, 2:1.

23. Πηδάλιον, p. 53, n. St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite, Ἑρμηνεῖαι εἰς τὰς Ἑπτὰ Καθολικὰς Ἐπιστολάς [Interpretation of the Seven Catholic Epistles], footnote on I St. John 3:1.

• With regard to St. Basil, “who maintained silence about the Divinity of the Spirit” and “dispensed his doctrines judiciously,” and, in general, with regard to the sundry “οἰκονομίαι” of the Holy Fathers, see St. Photios the Great, Treatise Concerning the Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit, Patrologia Græca, §§78, 66-78, Vol. CII, cols. 357B-360A, and also Epistle I.24, “To the Metropolitan of Aquileia,” §§16-22, Patrologia Græca, Vol. CII, cols. 344B-360A and cols. 809BC-816A.

• See also, regarding St. Basil’s tactics in this matter and the accusations leveled against him: St. Gregory the Theologian, Oration 43, “Funeral Oration on St. Basil the Great,” §§68-69, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XXXVI, cols. 585C-589C; idem, Patrologia Græca, Epistle 58, “To Basil,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XXXVII, cols. 113A-117B.

24. Panagiotis K. Chrestou, “Introductory Remarks” on the Epistles of St. Basil, Ἕλληνες Πατέρες τῆς Ἐκκλησίας (Thessaloniki: 1972), Vol. I, p. 37.

• Regarding St. Basil’s tactics, see also, more broadly, the section dealing with his “Theological and Ecclesiastical Teaching” (ibid., pp. 34ff.).

25. St. Basil the Great, Epistle 113, “To the Presbyters of Tarsus,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XXXII, col. 528A.

26. St. Cyril of Alexandria, Epistle 56, “To Gennadios the Presbyter and Archimandrite,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXVII, col. 320B.

27. Idem, Epistle 43, “To Rufus, the Bishop of Thessalonica,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXVII, cols. 220D-221A.

28. Idem, Epistle 58, “To Maximos, a Deacon of Antioch,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXVII, col. 321C.

29. Idem, Epistle 57: “To Maximos, a Deacon of Antioch,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXVII, col. 321A.

30. Idem, Epistle 58, Patrologia Græca, Vol. LXXVII, col. 321CD; I Corinthians 12:28.

31. II St. Timothy 2:23-26.

32. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” §§3, 4, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, cols. 949, 950.

33. Ibid., §1, col. 947; I St. Timothy 1:7.

34. “Constitutional Charter and Regulations,” Article 1, §§1, 2, 3.

35. Fifteenth Canon of the First-Second Holy Synod of Constantinople (861, in the time of St. Photios the Great).

36. Balsamon, Patrologia Græca, Vol. CXXXVII, col. 1068D.

37. Seventh OEcumenical Synod, Mansi, Vol. XII, col. 1118E/ Πρακτικά, Vol. II, p. 758b (Third Session).

38. Idem, Mansi, Vol. XII, col. 1126B/Πρακτικά, Vol. II, p. 760b (Third Session).

39. “Constitutional Charter and Regulations,” Article 1, §§5, 2.

40. Cf. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, cols. 948, 952.

41. Acts 1:14.

42. St. John Chrysostomos, “That We Should Not Anathematize the Living or the Dead,” Patrologia Græca, Vol. XLVIII, col. 947.

43. Seventh OEcumenical Synod, Mansi, Vol. XIII, col. 208C/Πρακτικά, Vol. II, p. 826b (Sixth Session); Mansi, Vol. XIII, col. 293D/Πρακτικά, Vol. II, p. 851a (Sixth Session).

44. Great Protopresbyter George Tsetsis, Οἰκουμενικὸς Θρόνος καὶ Οἰκουμένη: Ἐπίσημα Πατριαρχικὰ Κείμενα [The OEcumenical Throne and the Oikoumene: Official Patriarchal Texts] (Katerine: Tertios Publications, 1988), pp. 47-51.

45. Ibid., p. 57.

46. Resistance or Exclusion? The Alternative Ecclesiological Approaches of Metropolitan Chrysostomos of Florina and Bishop Matthew of Vresthene (Etna, CA: Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies, 2000), p. 59 (a letter of 9 November 1937 from Metropolitan Chrysostomos to Bishop Germanos of the Cyclades).

47. Πηδάλιον, pp. 4-5, n. 2, p.xxxix, n. 3, §10.

48. Galatians 1:8, 9.

49. I Corinthians 16:22.

• St. Nicodemos the Hagiorite, in his interpretation of the present passage, makes these telling comments: “In writing these words, I cannot say anything other than ‘woe’ and ‘alas’ to us Christians of today! Because we do not truly love Christ, we deserve the anathema of which Paul speaks in this passage; and consequently, we deserve to be separated and excommunicated from the Church” (Ἑρμηνεία Ἐπιστολῶν [Interpretation of the Epistles] [Venice: 1819), Vol. I, pp. 400-401, n.).

• Note: “we deserve”: i.e., “we are not already,” but “we are liable to,” “we are potentially, not actually.”

50. I Corinthians 5:12-13.

51. St. Theophylact, Patrologia Græca, Vol. CXXIV, col. 628AB.

52. St. Athanasios the Great, On the Incarnation of the Word, §57, Patrologia Græca, Vol. XXV, cols. 196CD-197A.

53. See note 52.

54. See the article, “The Unity of Dogma and Love: From Misguided Zeal to the Cesspool of Heresy,” Orthodox Tradition, Vol. XVI, No. 1 (1999), pp. 2-5.

55. Third OEcumenical Synod, Πρακτικά, Vol. I, p. 4347a (Epistle of St. Cyril to Nestorios: “I hear that some are rashly talking…”).

56. Wisdom of Solomon 1:4.

57. Cf. Romans 1:28.

 

 

 

‘We are Westerners and Must Remain Westerners’: Orthodoxy and Western Rites in Western Europe

Jean-François Mayer

 

 

Since the nineteenth century, there have been attempts to create Orthodox Christian communities using Western liturgical forms. In some cases, the impetus came from believers who already were Orthodox faithful; in other cases, people or groups joining the Orthodox Church asked for permission to continue to use the liturgies they were accustomed to, with adjustments required to ‘orthodoxise’ them. Most of these undertakings would never have taken place had there not been already the presence of emigrant Orthodox Churches in the West; in addition, in one particularly significant case in France, the initiative was a direct outcome of an encounter with the reflections and aspirations of young Russian émigrés interested in the liturgical revival of the ancient Christian legacy of Western Europe. There are currently two Orthodox jurisdictions having Western rite parishes: the Antiochian Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR); moreover, a few parishes under the Serbian and Romanian Orthodox Churches occasionally use Western rites, beside the Byzantine one. [1] Most recent developments in the field of Western rite in canonical Orthodox Churches have taken place in North America, but it has not disappeared from Western Europe.

Sometimes rejected by critical voices as ‘uniatism in the reverse’, the use of Western rite adds one more layer to issues of identity discussed across this volume. At an individual level, for a convert to the Orthodox Church, the need to affiliate with a denomination often associated with a national background can create hurdles: the wish of most converts is to embrace the Orthodox faith, and not another, new national identity. A convert with roots in Western Christianity needs also to deal with that legacy, even more so due to the fact that Orthodox claim the pre-schism, first millennium of Christianity in Western Europe as their own and venerate Western saints of that period. Very early after they had to go into exile, some Russian émigrés were keen to develop a knowledge and veneration of such saints. In parishes across Europe, there are Sundays marked for All Saints of England, All Saints of Germany, All Saints of Switzerland, and so forth, and offices have been composed in honour of these saints.

But should the Orthodox legacy of Western Christianity include specific liturgical expressions? And then, some dare to suggest, does 1054 mark a complete break, or could even some elements from post-schism Western Christianity also find their way into Orthodox piety and worship? Ultimately, this leads to a question not without consequences for dialogue with other Christians: should the Orthodox Church be perceived as ‘the Eastern Church’, or as the fullness of the Christian Church? If the second statement is true, why could it not also integrate non-Byzantine liturgical traditions? But immediately another question arises: can the Orthodox ethos as it has developed be properly conveyed through forms which have for centuries been associated with another tradition? Thus, the Western rite raises issues related to the identity of the Orthodox Church, as perceived by itself as well as by outsiders.

This chapter will provide an overview of efforts to find a place for Western rites within (canonical) Orthodox jurisdictions. [2] It is based primarily on the study of written material, but also on observations during visits to some Western rite Orthodox parishes in Europe and North America as well as written exchanges with people active in such parishes. While the focus will be on Europe, developments in North America will need to be briefly summarised, since there have been some reciprocal influences. [3]

Early Converts as Pioneers of the Western Rite

There are two ways to practise a Western rite in the Orthodox Church today: either ‘orthodoxise’ an existing rite or recreate an old, pre-schism rite. Although there were few practical consequences at the time, those two options became clear already in the nineteenth century.

The first approach was promoted by Julian Joseph Overbeck (1821–1905). A German by birth, ordained a Catholic priest in 1845, he became Protestant in 1857, married, settled in England and worked there on the editing of Syriac manuscripts. In 1865, Overbeck decided to join the Orthodox Church, [4] although he was formally received in the Church only in 1869: he had originally planned to take that step only after his request for the restoration of a Western Orthodox Church would be accepted, but later realised he could not make it a precondition (Kahle 1968: 21–2). He would remain a faithful Orthodox until his death.

From the beginning, the project of Western Orthodoxy was at the heart of Overbeck’s vision. He did not believe in a (re)union between the Orthodox Church and other Christian bodies, but foresaw individuals joining the Church. He stressed that the Orthodox Church was the Catholic Church, while all other forms of Christianity were heterodox. [5] Due to historical circumstances, ‘Eastern Church’ and ‘Orthodox Church’ were temporarily overlapping, but it was not meant to remain so. While attending Byzantine services in existing Orthodox parishes as long as there was no other option, Overbeck and those supporting him rejected as a matter of principle any ‘Easternisation’ of Western converts to Orthodoxy and did not favour the creation of Byzantine rite parishes using local languages for them: [6] ‘We are Westerners and must remain Westerners’ (Overbeck 1876: 112). Overbeck felt that the right way was to transform the heterodox, Western tradition into an Orthodox one by setting aside everything that was heterodox in its teachings and liturgical books: the result would be a return to the pre-schism Western Church. The first step would be the revision of the Ordo Missae, and then all the other parts of the Western liturgical books would be revised step by step in the same way; in the meantime, the Eastern rite could be used for dispensing sacraments. Around 1871, he published in Latin and English a Liturgy of the Western Orthodox-Catholic Mass. [7] It follows the ordinary of the Roman Mass, but with a few changes in order to ‘orthodoxise’ it: it includes the Trisagion after the Gloria – ‘in remembrance of our union with the Orthodox Church’; the filioque is removed from the Creed; there is no elevation of the host and chalice after the Words of the Institution; [8] and an epiclesis [9] is introduced.

Overbeck invited Roman Catholics of the West to return to the Orthodox Church and faith. He asked those interested to associate their names to a petition to the Russian Church which he had already sent to the Patriarch of Constantinople in 1868: the purpose was to ask Orthodox hierarchs to restore a Western Orthodox Church with priests celebrating a Western liturgy, since Divine Providence had originally formed a true Western Church congruent with the Western mind (Overbeck 1871b: 30). Moreover, the missionary argument was given, that would reappear later throughout the history of Orthodox attempts at a Western rite: few Westerners had joined the Orthodox Church, but many more would do so if allowed to keep their liturgical inheritance (Overbeck 1871b: 32).

The petition was sent to the Holy Synod of the Russian Church with 122 signatures in September 1869; signatories resided mostly in the United Kingdom, a majority of them with Anglican background plus a few Roman Catholics. ‘Upon reception of the petition, the Metropolitan of St Petersburg, Isidore Nikol’skij (1799–1802), immediately formed a commission to study the question. The Synodal Commission was presided over by the Metropolitan himself. Overbeck was appointed a member by personal letter of the Metropolitan’. Overbeck was then invited to Russia: the Synod approved the principle of Western Orthodoxy (Abramtsov 1961b: 13).

Despite such promising beginnings, the project would never materialise. As Florovsky tells the story, ‘a final decision was postponed in connection with the further development of the Old Catholic movement. The Synod was anxious to ascertain whether there were a sufficient number of people in the West to join the project in question’ (Florovsky 1989: 134). Moreover, the Russians wanted other Orthodox Churches to approve of the plan. It seems to have been positively received in Constantinople, but led to a protest from the Church of Greece. ‘Perhaps Overbeck’s scheme was conceived on too grandiose a scale. He continually emphasised that he was not interested in acquiring a few converts for the Orthodox Church but in restoring a whole Church. If he had spoken of establishing Western Rite parishes within the jurisdiction of the Russian Church the Synod would perhaps not have been so hesitant and not have disturbed the Greeks with the question’ (Abramtsov 1961b: 15). In 1884, the Synod decided not to pursue further. A few people used to gather with Overbeck in London for praying the hours together each week until the early 1880s, but they finally despaired of seeing the realisation of Overbeck’s scheme and so instead were absorbed into existing, Eastern rite Orthodox parishes.

Needless to say, Overbeck’s insistence on conversion to the Orthodox Church irritated those who envisioned other ways for the future of Christianity, such as Anglicans eager to pave the way for communion with the Orthodox Churches. From the start, dreams of a Western rite in the Orthodox Church thus provoked suspicions in circles eager to promote ecumenical relations.

Already in the nineteenth century, the option of resurrecting an older rite (and thus avoiding liturgies tainted by late medieval or post-Tridentine developments) was considered too. Wladimir Guettée (1816–1892) was an erudite Roman Catholic priest of Gallican and Jansenist leanings, who was received as a priest in the Russian Orthodox Church in 1861 (Besse 1992). Like Overbeck (1869: 50–51), with whom he had good relations, Guettée had become convinced that the Christian bodies of the West had become heretical and that the Orthodox Church was the true Church of Christ (Guettée 1889: 367–9, 405). But for the very reason that Rome had drifted away from the Orthodox faith, Guettée did not think that the existing Roman Catholic liturgy could just be appropriated by the Orthodox Church with a few minor adjustments. While the Canon of the Mass was pre-schism and should be seen as Orthodox (Guettée 1866: 450), and while the Roman Mass had kept the essential parts of Orthodox liturgy, it had retained ‘neither the beautiful harmony nor the mystical meaning’ of Orthodox liturgy, and had been vitiated by reformers lacking liturgical sense (Guettée 1866: 453–4). The fate of Anglican liturgy had been even worse (Guettée 1866: 431–2, 454, 457–8). Guettée contrasted this with the ancient Gallican liturgy, that had Eastern roots and was much closer to the Eastern rite, and was then Romanised from the ninth century; similarly, the Ambrosian liturgy in Milan or the Mozarabic liturgy in Spain had more affinities with the Eastern one (Guettée 1866: 430). Guettée worked on the restoration of the Gallican liturgy: he celebrated it in 1875 in St Petersburg with the blessing of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church. But there were no further efforts in this direction, and apparently Guettée usually celebrated in the Byzantine rite.

Thus there were in the nineteenth century some people who laid the ground for the vision of Western rite Orthodoxy. From that time, two liturgical options were considered, which would continue to accompany subsequent attempts to this day. But no Western rite Orthodox parish was born during that period. There was an interest in Orthodox circles for developments in the Christian West and for dialogue with Western Christians sympathetic to Orthodoxy. But rather than creating an Orthodox Western rite ecclesiastical structure, attention was paid to possibilities of restoring communion with sections of Western Christianity: first, there were philo-Orthodox High Church Anglicans and Episcopalians, who saw themselves as the perpetuation of an authentic local church of the West; then there were hopes raised by the Old Catholic movement. [10] Overbeck’s venture had showed that there were not so many Westerners willing to convert to the Orthodox Church at that time.

Russian Emigration as Cradle of a Restored Gallican Rite

However, the issue of the Western rite would not die: in part because it raised significant questions regarding the identity of Orthodoxy along with its role outside of its traditional geographical areas, but also due to the existence of Western religious seekers with various longings. A few decades later, new impulses came from France, at the crossroads between thinking of Russian émigrés and quests on the fringes of the Roman Catholic Church.

In January 1925, eight young Russians living in exile in France founded in Paris the Confrérie de Saint Photius (Brotherhood of St Photios), originally with the goal of defending the Orthodox faith, but very soon – from 1926 – turning its attention to the restoration of Orthodoxy in the West and proclaiming accordingly that ‘the Orthodox Church is not merely Eastern, but is the Church of all the peoples on earth’ (Bange and Bange 2013: 20–21). The members of the Brotherhood of St Photios were among those Russians who felt that there should be some providential purpose behind the events that forced some many people to leave their country, and that the Russian emigration was meant to bring something to the Western world (Pnevmatikakis 2012). Some members of the Brotherhood, such as the theologian Vladimir Lossky (1903–1958), who became a member in 1928, later became well-known figures in the Orthodox Church. Two of the founders, Evgraph Kovalevsky (1905–1970) and his brother Maxime Kovalevsky (1903–1988), would play a key role for the Western rite: the first was to become the charismatic leader and liturgist of the rebirth of Western Orthodoxy in France; the second, a gifted musician who adapted liturgical music for that purpose (and whose musical work had an impact in wider Christian circles).

The Brotherhood was involved in efforts for establishing in Paris an Orthodox parish using French as its liturgical language. However, from the start, it was also interested in the restoration of Western liturgical forms within the Orthodox Church. Thus, during a three-day meeting in April 1929, three liturgies were celebrated: Roman, Gallican (using Guettée’s text) and Byzantine (in Latin!). A majority of the members apparently decided that the Gallican was the best option, but much work remained to be done for building upon what Guettée (who was not really a liturgiologist) had undertaken. [11] Evgraph Kovalevsky attempted to immerse himself in the liturgical tradition of the West – no easy task for one reared fully in the liturgical tradition of the East: ‘I learnt the Roman Mass by heart, I attended ceremonies, I read the breviary, I let Latin penetrate into my soul. Often, the call of the East was so strong that I had to fight psychologically with myself – since in order to love something, one needs to give up something else’ (quoted in Bourne 1975: 101).

In the 1930s, a relation developed with a small independent Catholic group gathered around Louis-Charles (later Irénée) Winnaert (1880–1937), a priest who had left the Roman Catholic Church following the turmoils of the modernist crisis (Bourne 1966). Winnaert had founded in 1922 a ‘Free Catholic Church’, received the episcopacy from James Ingall Wedgwood (1883–1951) of the (Theosophical) Liberal Catholic Church, and had then broken with that group and organised an ‘Evangelical Catholic Church’. Suffering from the isolation of his group, he came in touch with Orthodox circles through Fr Lev Gillet (1893–1980), who was to become famous under the pen name ‘A Monk of the Eastern Church’ (Behr-Siegel 1993: 251–75). Winnaert applied to the Russian Church in 1936, was accepted, and the group was formally received in early February 1937, a month before its founder passed away. In March, Evgraph Kovalevsky was ordained a priest of the Russian Church (Moscow Patriarchate) for the service of Western Orthodoxy.

The decree taken by Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) (1867–1944) of Moscow on 16 June 1936 had recognised Winnaert’s priesthood, but not his episcopate. His parishes were to be considered as ‘Western Orthodox Church’ and were allowed to keep the Western rite, but texts would have to be expurgated from what would not be compatible with Orthodoxy. Priests to be ordained for those parishes would wear Western liturgical vestments, and would be allowed to wear either Western or Eastern vestments when attending an Eastern rite service (translation in Kovalevsky 1990: 395–400).

Not everybody understood the liturgical work ahead the same way. The rector of the Western rite parish in Paris, Fr Denis (Lucien) Chambault (1899–1965), wanted to keep the Roman rite as it was, with minimal adjustments; he had no interest in a Gallican rite. This disagreement would soon lead to a split. In 1939, Metropolitan Sergius agreed that there would be two groups: the former parish of Winnaert under Chambault, and another group with Kovalevsky as priest. The Metropolitan stressed that the reintroduction of the Western rite was still at an experimental stage in the Orthodox Church, that nothing was yet fixed, since there was room for improvements, and that the parallel use of two different types of liturgy was not to be seen as a problem; at the same time, he also encouraged the development of a French-speaking Orthodox parish in Paris, both for new generations of Russians settled in France and for converts who would prefer the Byzantine rite (Kovalevsky 1990: 79–80).

Chambault continued on the same way until his death, remaining faithful to the Moscow Patriarchate. He opened in Paris a small Benedictine priory, but it never managed to become a stable and lasting monastic community. Fr Denis had some success as a healer and exorcist, taking care of visitors from morning to evening, but there were not many parishioners. ‘The Western Eucharistic Rite used by Père Denis … was that of Fr Winnaert’s devising, revised, corrected and “Orthodoxised” by a group of Orthodox scholars of whom Vladimir Lossky was one. It had in it elements of the Catholic rites, some echoes of the Anglican Communion service, but certainly strong echoes of Liberal Catholic practices. To observe it outwardly it was like a Catholic Mass in French and many Catholics came to the chapel for that reason.[12] The offices were those of the Benedictine breviary in French, adapted and arranged and officially approved by the Holy Synod at Moscow. To produce this work Père Jean [Peterfalvi, one of the original members of the community] visited several Benedictine Monasteries’ (Burton 1985: 55). The chapel disappeared few years after Chambault’s death.

Kovalevsky took a quite different route, engaging with other people in very active liturgical recreation work, and also setting up what would become an Orthodox diocese. There were initial experiments of celebration of the restored Western liturgy in Paris as early as 1944; improvements and adjustments were introduced over time. The work was not limited to the Mass: all the other liturgical services needed to be prepared, a labour that would take decades. A French theological institute was also inaugurated in 1944 (Institut Saint-Denis, of which Vladimir Lossky was the first dean). There was also the need to provide the nascent work with a stable place for celebrations. In 1946, such a place was found: the church belonging to the Old Catholic Church in Paris, which was no longer used. It was first rented, and later bought. The group started to use the name ‘Orthodox Church of France’, later ‘Catholic Orthodox Church of France’ (Église Catholique Orthodoxe de France – ECOF), before reverting to the original name.

Fr Evgraph had been looking quite early for an autonomous status for his Western Orthodox parishes, asking the Moscow Patriarchate as early as 1945, at a time the work was still nascent (Bourne 1978: 44). His supporters explain that this was meant to protect the Western Orthodox group from hostile reactions of some other Orthodox not willing to accept such developments. Indeed, Fr Evgraph and his work became quite controversial, although it is difficult to understand clearly what in this controversy was related to the issue of the Western rite itself and what pertained to other issues. Over the years, criticism followed more or less the same line, taking issue not only with the choice of a Western rite and the self-perception of the role of the work as the nucleus of the local Orthodox Church of France, but also accusing the French group of being too lax with church rules and porous to non-Orthodox teachings.

In 1953, the group broke with the Moscow Patriarchate. It briefly joined the Russian Exarchate under the Patriarchate of Constantinople (1953–1954) and then spent several years without any canonical anchoring. In 1959, the Orthodox Church of France was received by Archbishop John (Maximovitch) of Shanghai and San Francisco (1896–1966) – glorified in 1994 and now counted among the saints of the Orthodox Church – in the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia. Fr Evgraph was consecrated as a bishop in 1964 and took the name of Jean-Nectaire de Saint-Denis. But there was again a break in 1966, followed by several years of isolation for the French Church. Bishop Jean passed away in 1970, leaving the group without a bishop. In 1972, it was accepted under the Patriarchate of Romania and a new bishop was consecrated, Germain de Saint-Denis (Gilles Bertrand-Hardy, b. 1930). Not without tensions, [13] this arrangement lasted until 1993, when Bishop Germain was deposed by the Romanian Patriarchate. The Orthodox Church of France has been independent since that time.

While the figure of Evgraph Kovalevsky drew most attention, he was not the only one working at liturgical restoration of pre-schism rites. Alexis van der Mensbrugghe (1899–1980) [14] proposed his own restoration of the Western rite. Born in a Flemish family, he had become a Benedictine monk and ordained a Roman Catholic priest in 1925, but then had joined the Orthodox Church in 1929. From 1946, he taught patristics and liturgics at the newly founded French Orthodox Institute Saint-Denis in Paris. In 1948, he published a restoration of the Western rite in Latin and English (Mensbrugghe 1948). In 1960, Mensbrugghe was consecrated as a bishop in the Moscow Patriarchate. From 1968 to 1979, he served as bishop and archbishop in North America. During the 1960s, Bishop Alexis continued to show an active interest in the Western rite. He published in 1962 an ‘Orthodox Missal’ in French, containing both the Gallican and the ‘Pre-Celestinian Italic’ (early fifth century) rites (Mensbrugghe 1962). He celebrated the Western rite himself and had a few Western rite groups in Italy under his supervision. Thus, during a few years in the 1960s, both the Moscow Patriarchate and ROCOR had approved Western rite liturgies and Western rite parishes.

Both Kovalevsky (1956) and Mensbrugghe used a key witness for their restoration of a Gallican rite, beside other sources: the letters of St Germanus of Paris (496–576), in which there is a description of the liturgical celebration for the purpose of explaining its meaning. This is why the Orthodox Church of France calls its liturgy the ‘Divine Liturgy according to St Germanus of Paris’ (and not ‘of ’), since the saint had no part in establishing that liturgy, but only shared in his letters information that proved crucial for the work of restoration.

Those were years of intense liturgical work, with different paths explored. In the preface to his 1948 restored Western liturgy, Mensbrugghe explained the principles that guided him. The starting point should be the old Roman liturgy, since it was the one of the local Patriarchate: ‘The fundamental principle in liturgical matters is that “the Liturgy follows the Patriarchate.” Once established this Liturgy will continue to nourish the masses. If schisms or heresies happen, it will no doubt suffer from that; but its fundamental crystallisation, made of a nearly 1000-year old Orthodox capital, will remain throughout the following ages. Orthodoxy has the right – and the duty – to ask today’s Westerner to “clean” its rite. But it is impossible, and useless anyway, to ask the masses to orientalise themselves’ (Mensbrugghe 1948: vi–vii). Local uses should also be taken into consideration, for instance those of the Gauls and Spain, through which the Roman rite had come to integrate Byzantinisms. Thus Mensbrugghe had started from the Roman rite as it existed in the twentieth century, but going much further than Overbeck’s corrections. He described his work as threefold:

a. Purify the liturgy from ‘medieval deformations that have obscured the purity of the original line’;

b. Reintroduce or put again in their proper place ‘ancient Roman elements that are more authentic’ but which were dismissed or misplaced during the Middle Ages;

c. Reintroduce those Gallican elements that underline essential values held in common by the entire Christian tradition (Mensbrugghe 1948: ix).

In 1954, some aspects of this restoration attempt came under criticism by Nicholas Uspensky (1900–1987), then professor of liturgy at the Leningrad Theological Academy, according to whom ‘too much of the Archimandrite’s personal tastes’ were showing through (Abramtsov 1961a). Those criticisms were taken into consideration at the time of publishing the 1962 Missal.

In their own work, Kovalevsky and people who cooperated with him claimed that there was ample material available for a restoration of the Gallican rite (Tanazacq 1977), although the full text itself was no longer available. But the restored liturgy included borrowings from the Eastern rite, which members of the Orthodox Church of France prefer to describe as a legitimate ‘compenetration’ of rites as found throughout the history of the Church and as ‘enrichments’ (Saint-Denis 1977: 82–90). ‘Local rites have always practised mutual “borrowings”, as long as form and spirit would not be altered’, wrote Fr Evgraph in his preface to the restoration of the Gallican Mass (Kovalevsky 1956: 32).

The restorers disputed that what they did had anything in common with an ‘archaeological reconstitution’, but claimed that it rather was a ‘resurrection’, the ‘resurgence of a latent tradition of the undivided Church’, ‘fecundated by the encounter with Orthodox tradition’ (Kovalevsky 1984: 29). An English proponent of the Orthodox Western Rite commented in a more nuanced way on Kovalevsky’s approach that ‘one should speak of hybrid vigour. Although Fr Yevgraf was liturgically knowledgeable, when it came to determining the new “Gallican” liturgy he simply did pretty much as his sensibility suggested’ (Coombs 1987: 48). In the preface to his own reconstruction of the Gallican rite, Roman Catholic liturgical scholar Klaus Gamber described Kovalevsky’s version as ‘a form adapted to the Byzantine use’ (Gamber 1984: 5). The efforts went far beyond recreating a Gallican Mass. The considerable liturgical work of the Orthodox Church of France deserves more detailed examination, but this would go beyond the purpose of this chapter and the expertise of the author.

The fact that the (neo-)Gallican rite has been in continuous use for decades should also be kept in mind. The Liturgy according to St Germanus of Paris is not only served in that group. When the break with the Romanian Church took place, some parishes chose to remain under Bucharest; they are mostly using now the Byzantine rite, although the Gallican rite continues to be celebrated from time to time in some of them. Other parishes left in 2001; a few years later, those parishes were received in the Serbian Patriarchate (and one then came under Moscow); their celebrations are mostly in the Byzantine rite, but some of them also use the Gallican rite. In addition, some priests and parishes had left the Orthodox Church of France in 2000 and had come under the jurisdiction of the Coptic Orthodox Church, with the permission to keep the Gallican rite; after their bishop decided to restrict this rite in 2005, they broke with the Coptic Church in 2006 and formed the Orthodox Church of the Gauls, with one of their priests, Michel Mendez (b. 1941), being consecrated as Bishop Grégoire by hierarchs of independent, non-canonical Orthodox Churches. This group has glorified Bishop Jean de Saint-Denis as a saint in 2008; it too continues to use the Gallican rite. [15] Thus, besides the occasional celebrations from time to time in a few canonical Orthodox parishes in Europe, the liturgical legacy of the Orthodox Church of France is kept today mostly as the practice of just two groups, neither of them in communion with historical Orthodox Churches: the Orthodox Church of France (some 20 local parishes or groups in France, plus a few groups in other countries) and the Orthodox Church of the Gauls (about ten places of worship). [16] Unexpectedly, the only canonical Orthodox parishes where the Gallican rite is predominantly celebrated seem to be one in Iowa (USA) under the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia since 2010 and another one in Argentina under the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of South America (Ecumenical Patriarchate). It seems that no Orthodox group today is using one of the two Western rites restored by Archbishop Alexis van der Mensbrugghe.

There is also another legacy of the Orthodox Church of France that should not be overlooked, which has proved at this point more significant for Orthodox life at large: a number of converts (including clergy) currently belonging to various Orthodox parishes in French-speaking countries originally came in touch with the Orthodox faith through the group born from Bishop Jean de Saint-Denis’ vision.

American Impulses and European Echoes

While our focus is on Western Europe, we need to allude briefly to developments in North America, since there has been some interaction. Lack of space will however prevent us from summarising some of the debates around the Western rite that have taken place there, reflected in theological journals.

In 1958, after having paid attention to the issue for years, Metropolitan Antony Bashir (1898–1966) received from the Patriarch of Antioch the blessing to authorise the Western rite in the Antiochian Orthodox Christian Archdiocese of North America. Metropolitan Antony had been in touch with the Society of Saint Basil, a group issued from an earlier attempt to start Western rite work in the United States (before the Second World War) and looking for a safe haven in a canonical Orthodox Church. Moreover, one of the priests in the Antiochian Archdiocese, Fr Paul Schneirla, who had converted to the Orthodox Church in the late 1930s and been ordained for the Byzantine rite in 1942, had kept a strong interest in Western liturgical traditions and had been encouraged by contacts with Fr Denis Chambault in France (Andersen, n.d.). In 1961, through Schneirla’s mediation, the first group of Western rite converts was received in the Antiochian Archdiocese. The Western Rite Vicariate has developed since and counts more than 20 parishes across the United States. Beside the Rite of St Gregory (described on a website distributing it as the ‘Antiochian Orthodox version of the traditional Roman Mass’, approved in 1958), it has also allowed since 1977 an ‘Antiochian Orthodox version of the traditional Anglo-Catholic Mass’, [17] the ‘Liturgy of St Tikhon’, [18] after some groups uncomfortable with liberal trends in the Episcopal Church joined the Orthodox Church.

There have also been Western rite groups in ROCOR in North America. A 1953 decree had stated the acceptability of Western liturgical traditions for groups joining the Orthodox Church, while individual converts would have to observe the Eastern liturgical traditions (ROCOR 1953). In 1968, a Western rite deanery was even established under the supervision of Archpriest George Grabbe (1902–1995), but it lasted only for a few years; it used the Roman rite. In 1975, Fr Augustine (Whitfield) (1924–2010), Abbot of Mount-Royal congregation, a group of Old Catholic lineage that had been received in the Exarchate of the Moscow Patriarchate in 1962, joined ROCOR with the blessing of Archbishop Nikon (Rklitski, 1882–1976). [19] In 1978, the Council of Bishops of ROCOR decided that it was ‘not … possible to allow the Western Rite in the Russian Church’. But Fr Augustine had apparently been forgotten, and thus a barely noticed Western rite presence persisted in ROCOR (ROCOR 2013). In the 1990s, the future Metropolitan Hilarion (Kapral, b. 1948) accepted a handful of very small Western rite groups, first in the United States (including the monastic community of Christminster) and subsequently in Australia. In May 2011, the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia established a Western Rite Vicariate under the Metropolitan, with Bishop Jerome (John Shaw, b. 1946) as his assistant. Applicant groups were received at a rather rapid pace, reaching some 25 congregations (mostly small ones). Due to serious disagreements with the way Bishop Jerome was administering the Western rite parishes, he was retired in July 2013, without the right to perform ordinations. All the existing communities are directly under the oversight and omophorion of the Metropolitan. A commission was established to take care of the Western rite groups. In August 2013, the commission published a statement affirming that ‘[i]t is not the intention of the Commission nor the Synod of Bishops to dismantle the Western-Rite Community within ROCOR, nor is it the objective to perpetrate some sort of “forced Byzantination”’. [20]

Developments in the United States have also had an impact on the European continent. In the 1990s, a group of Anglican clergy gathered under the name Pilgrimage to Orthodoxy followed a path similar to some of their Episcopalian colleagues and turned to Orthodoxy: led by a priest of Charismatic orientation, Fr Michael Harper (1931–2010), they began to be received in the Antiochian Archdiocese of Europe in 1995. Three priests used the Western rite at the start, but it was abandoned a year later: ‘the communities concerned all abandoned the western rite voluntarily. There was no episcopal edict’. [21]

Regarding the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia, there have been in the United Kingdom a handful of small mission groups for several years; Hieromonk Michael (Mansbridge-Wood) first used to take pastoral care of them, then another priest, Fr Thomas Cook, was ordained in 2012 for the Western rite mission. The liturgy ‘is based on the English Missal (therefore broadly Tridentine), with a number of modifications. It is similar to the Antiochian Liturgy of St Gregory’. [22] The group is small, but most participants – including the priest – were already Orthodox before the Western rite was available to them; lay people attend Byzantine rite parishes when there is no Western rite being served in their area.

In Germany, a small Benedictine monastic community (three people) was received in ROCOR in February 2013. The group had been an independent Catholic congregation. The abbot, Fr Thomas (Komossa), had been ordained in the Orthodox Church of France at a time it was still in communion with the Romanian Church: thus his priesthood was recognised, but not the episcopal consecration he had received in 2003 from independent bishops. The two other members of the community were (re)ordained, since their orders were not Orthodox. The small community follows mostly an orthodoxised form of the Roman rite, but also celebrates once a week the Liturgy according to St Germanus of Paris.

Moreover, also in Western Europe, but outside of the Western Rite Vicariate, a few parishes located in Spain, calling themselves the Hispanic Orthodox Church, have been received into the Western European Archdiocese of ROCOR in 2012: while they use the Byzantine rite most of the time, the Mozarabic rite is used twice a year (on the feast of St Isidore of Seville and of St Helen) and occasionally on special feast days. [23]

While this overview covers most of the developments pertaining to the Western rite in (canonical) Orthodox Churches in Western Europe, it should also take into account efforts by various individual Orthodox faithful, although they have not resulted in the creation of parishes. One example was Raymond Winch (1921–2000), who converted to the Orthodox Church from Roman Catholicism, but kept a strong interest for the Western liturgical heritage. ‘His interest in the idea of a Western Orthodox rite originated in his previous dissatisfaction with the reform of the Roman Catholic liturgy following the Second Vatican council’. [24] He founded in Oxford a Gregorian Club ‘for the restoration of Orthodoxy’s Western heritage’, for missionary reasons, but not only, according to its Statement of Principles: ‘Hitherto the great heritage of Latin Christendom has in some measure been preserved by those who are not Orthodox. Now it is being rapidly abandoned. We believe our heritage to be of great intrinsic worth. If it is not to be lost altogether, we Western Orthodox must make it our own once again. We wish to worship and live according to our own traditions – those of our saints’. The Gregorian Club did not envision separate Western Orthodox dioceses, but hoped for unity of the Church, with one bishop in each place, over communities of different rites. The Gregorian Club did not last, but it had a few issues of a bulletin as well as some booklets printed, including what its founder envisioned as the ‘Canonical Mass of the English Orthodox’. [25] A supporter of the Club published a study suggesting that the ‘historical point of departure [for a restoration of a Western Orthodox rite] must be the period just before the schism, about 800–1000 – obvious, one would have said, yet none of the previous Western Orthodox restorers has taken this line’ (Coombs 1987: 60).

Missing from our overview are non-canonical [26] Churches understanding themselves as Orthodox and their efforts of liturgical restoration: one example would be the so-called ‘Celtic Orthodox Church’ (Seraïdari and Leonard 2007) as well as attempts by other groups to recreate a Celtic liturgy; [27] other noncanonical groups have been involved in perseverant efforts to restore uses of ‘Orthodox England’ or other liturgical forms. However, those groups fall beyond the scope of this chapter.

Western Rite: Open Questions for Orthodox Churches

Due to the current status of the Orthodox Church of France, most of the Western rite communities are now found on the other side of the ocean. Between the Antiochian Archdiocese and ROCOR, there were 40 to 50 Western rite communities in canonical Orthodox Churches in North America in summer 2013. A few more were found in other parts of the world, including a handful in Europe. There are also those parishes using occasionally one of the Western rites. Despite considerable work done by some groups or individuals, the numerical results thus remain modest. Not a few priests and faithful who started with a Western rite now serve with the Byzantine rite.

Looking through Orthodox lenses for recovering the fullness of Christianity or the ‘true’ Christian identity of the West can take several routes: either joining a Byzantine rite parish while cultivating the veneration of local saints, or looking for a way to create a space for Western Rite Orthodoxy. It is not surprising that most people willing to embrace the Orthodox faith follow the first option and find their way to the Byzantine rite: not only due to its more general availability, but also because the beauty and attraction of Orthodox liturgy itself is frequently a starting point.

Moreover, which Western rite? There is a surprising variety of liturgical forms compared to the small number of canonical Western rite communities. [28] If we look at the list of ‘currently approved versions of the Divine Liturgy for usein the ROCOR Western Rite’, we find two different versions of the Orthodox Roman rite (named ‘Liturgy of St Gregory’), plus a restoration of the Use of Sarum, [29] and the Gallican liturgy; moreover, as mentioned, a few Spanish parishes sometimes use the Mozarabic liturgy. If we look at the Antiochian Western Rite Vicariate, there are two liturgies in use: the Liturgy of St Tikhon and the Liturgy of St Gregory.

Such diversity reveals the different backgrounds of people involved in Western rite efforts: tailor-made solutions have been devised for different Western rite aspirations. In contrast with the Orthodox Church of France and its work of restoration, in which there were interactions with impulses from the Liturgical Movement in Roman Catholic circles, [30] some of the Western rite parishes, mostly in the United States, are the products of reactions against changes (liturgical and otherwise) in the religious bodies they used to belong to. The Orthodox Church is seen as a refuge (Turner 2011: 334–5). It is praised for its steadfast attachment to tradition, and this is why it is seen as a possible way out of chaos, even for people eager to keep their own liturgical traditions, different from Byzantine ones. It is not only for Western rite Orthodox that the Orthodox Church can look like a haven for souls aspiring to escape the turmoils of contemporary Western Christian religious bodies: such feelings are expressed by a number of converts who follow the Byzantine rite as well as by ‘philo-Orthodox’ in other Christian Churches, who are not willing to switch their religious affiliation for a variety of reasons (including the desire to keep their own liturgical tradition), but who admire the Orthodox Church for its alleged ‘conservatism’. In the same way attention is paid to Orthodox perceptions of the West, much could be said about perceptions of Orthodoxy in Western imaginaries.

If Western Orthodox liturgies were more widely available, especially those close to still familiar old Western liturgical forms, some among those philo-Orthodox would certainly convert. But it is unlikely that it would become a mass movement, as experience has taught. Most tradition-minded Catholics or Anglicans can find settings other than Orthodox ones for a liturgical life as they want it: those having the desire to combine it with the confession of the Orthodox faith (and not merely an Orthodox jurisdictional option) are likely to remain a small minority. One of the arguments for using an existing form of Western rite continues to be a missionary one: converts to the Orthodox Church would thus be able to keep liturgical forms they were already familiar with. Except in the case of religiously conservative circles (e.g. ‘continuing Anglicans’), this argument seems to have lost part of its relevance after liturgical reforms: unless they have been participants in traditional Roman Catholic masses, converts from Roman Catholicism would hardly be familiar today with ancient Catholic liturgical forms, and nobody has suggested that the Novus Ordo Missae (what is known today as the ‘ordinary form of the Roman rite’) currently used by most Catholics should be adjusted to Orthodox requirements.

The approach developed by Bishop Jean de Saint-Denis and the Orthodox Church of France as well as by other ‘restorative’ liturgical undertakings has been a different one, that cannot be found elsewhere: it offers both discontinuity with the Western liturgical tradition, since the rites used are different from those practising Western Christians have grown with and borrowings are made from Eastern liturgies, and continuity, due to retention of a number of Western traditions and to the call to a more ancient, pre-schism local legacy.

Ironically, even if the wish to keep or recover tradition leads people to the Western rite, the result cannot avoid being innovative, with different levels of intensity: first, because the existence of Western rite communities creates a new situation in Orthodox Churches and sometimes unease about the way to deal with such communities; second, because – even liturgically – all those groups need to accept at least some adjustments in order to meet Orthodox requirements, when not engaging into daring reconstructions.

But what should be done in order to make a liturgy ‘Orthodox’, not even speaking about the way to perform it? Removing the filioque and making sure a clear epiclesis is present are steps taken by every Western Orthodox project since Overbeck. [31] After that, how far to go with revisions? In a report to the Brotherhood of St Photios in 1937, Vladimir Lossky gave an example to illustrate issues raised by corrections of Winnaert’s ‘evangelical catholic’ liturgy: the doxological formula referring to Jesus Christ who liveth and reigneth with the Father ‘in unitate Spiritus Sancti’ (‘in the unity of the Holy Spirit’) was, according to him, ‘an obvious consequence of filioquism’, that could not be justified dogmatically, since ‘it makes from the Person of the Holy Spirit a mere function of unity of the Father and the Son, their common love, “nexus amoris”’. But as early as the eighth century, this formula was already found in missals. Finally, Lossky explained, looking at critical editions of the oldest sacramentaries, with their variations, the ‘primitive Trinitarian formula of Western liturgies was found’: ‘qui vivit et regnat cum Deo Patre et Spiritu Sancto’ (Lossky 1980, 11). Nevertheless, a number of Western rite advocates disagree with that opinion: several approved liturgies being used in Western Orthodox communities contain ‘in unitate Spiritus Sancti’.

Similarly, there are a number of variations regarding acceptable devotions: for instance, there are Western rite Antiochian parishes that celebrate the feasts of the Sacred Heart or of Corpus Christi, something many Orthodox would object to. The veneration of post-schism saints in some Western rite communities can also become a contentious issue. Statues are another debated topic (especially when they do not follow some neo-Romanesque style, but rather nineteenth-century Sulpician models). Some Western rite communities, however, completely reject post-schism practices in principle and even follow the old (Julian) calendar (no doubt a consistent step for people eager to cultivate tradition, since the Gregorian calendar was not accepted in England before 1752).

Thus, the question of hybridity unavoidably occurs when dealing with the Western rite. ‘What is mostly striking is an intimate entanglement between Eastern and Western elements’ in the Orthodox Church of France (Erny 1983: 231). Hybridity may seem at first sight to be less an issue in communities using the Roman rite, but it appears under other forms, as we have just seen. A priest explained to us how a fellow clergyman was ordained for the Western rite by an Orthodox bishop using the Byzantine rite of ordination, but in Latin. The same priest, resident in an area where Orthodox parishes are few, reported serving in the Byzantine rite for the pastoral care of migrants from Orthodox countries when needed. Without being aware of it, the Orthodox Western rite movement is also a child of a context of globalisation and individualisation. In French-speaking Europe, it is also an outcome of migration: it is unlikely that the modern Gallican liturgy would ever have seen the light of the day if it had not been for the vision of bright young Russians who felt that the personal tragedy of exile should be invested with a meaning and mission.

Despite all hurdles and problems encountered, the Western rite option remains an attractive idea for some Orthodox. The inclusion of the Western rite as a way of affirming ‘the universalist character of Orthodoxy’ was a main argument advanced by Fr Lev Gillet for supporting the reception of Winnaert’s community into the Orthodox Church (Behr-Siegel 1993: 260). Such an affirmation is bound to give rise to debates beyond Orthodox circles: it has obvious implications for ecumenical relations (Turner 2012b). But it may first be a question for the self-understanding of Orthodox Churches in their encounter with ‘the West’.

 

Footnotes

1. There are probably a few additional, isolated cases: one that has come to our knowledge after completing this article is a parish in Argentina, under the (canonical) Ukrainian Orthodox Church of South America.

2. Part of this historical presentation is based on research published in an earlier article on Orthodox Western rite attempts (Mayer 1997). For an overview of existing literature in English, see Turner (2009). Jack Turner (University of South Carolina) has written a doctoral thesis on Western rite Orthodoxy and is preparing a book on the subject, to be published by Northern Illinois University Press.

3. We will not take into consideration the case of communities that joined the Orthodox Church with the Western rite in Central Europe (Poland and Czechoslovakia) between the two world wars and their subsequent histories, since those episodes had no impact on developments in Western Europe that are discussed at the core of this chapter.

4. Overbeck launched in 1867 the Orthodox Catholic Review, which continued to be published until 1891.

5. Nevertheless, Overbeck repeatedly attempted to get his Roman Catholic priestly orders recognised by the Russian Church and petitioned for being reinstated in his holy orders – but his wedding after he had left the ranks of Catholic clergy made such a request problematic from an Orthodox perspective (Kahle 1968: 81–3).

6. Overbeck bitterly opposed Stephen Hatherly (1827–1905), an Oxford graduate who was received in the Orthodox Church through baptism in 1856, was ordained a priest in Constantinople in 1871 and established an English parish using the Byzantine rite. Overbeck did not see both approaches as complementary, but as mutually exclusive (Kahle 1968: 69–73, 285–7).

7. Overbeck’s Liturgy had been approved by the Holy Synod of the Russian Church. It is very hard to find this 24-page brochure, but it has been reproduced in the (also hard-to-find) privately published research volume on the Orthodox Western rite by Thomann (1995).

8. ‘The Roman Catholics here elevate and adore the Host and the Chalice, but this is wrong, because the Consecration is only accomplished by the Invocation of the Holy Ghost’ (Overbeck 1871a). Ironically, despite such an explicit rejection by a respected pioneer, a number of Western rite Orthodox parishes using variations of the Roman liturgy retain the elevation today (Turner 2012a).

9. The epiclesis (‘invocation’) is a prayer asking the Father to send the Holy Spirit upon the bread and wine and to make them into the Body and Blood of Christ. While the epiclesis is characteristic of Eastern liturgies, it is not explicitly present in the traditional Roman Canon of the Mass. The fourteenth-century Byzantine theologian Nicholas Cabasilas (canonised as a saint by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1983) was of the opinion that the prayer ‘Supplices te rogamus’ in the Roman canon (in which it is asked that the angel take the offering to God’s heavenly altar, so that the faithful may receive Christ’s body and blood) was in fact an ‘ascending epiclesis’; modern Orthodox uses of Western rites, however, have not generally reflected this understanding, and have usually insisted on the addition of an Eastern-style epiclesis, following either personal convictions or requirements from Orthodox bishops before approval.

10. A few years after Old Catholicism was born, Overbeck (who had originally welcomed the movement) had come to the conclusion that hopes raised by that movement had been misplaced and could not be the way to a rebirth of the Orthodox Church in the West, but was rather inclined to assimilate with Anglicanism, the ‘most dangerous form of Protestantism’ (Overbeck 1876: 106–107, 116). Still, there were some Orthodox who continued to advocate rapprochement with the Old Catholics, such as General Alexander Kireev (1832–1910) (Novikoff 1914, Basil 1991). Eugène Michaud (1839–1917), a French priest and theologian who had been close to Guettée and had joined the Old Catholic movement, played an important role in promoting communion between the Orthodox and the Old Catholic Churches (Dederen 1963: 226–45).

11. The Gallican rite was not seen as the only rite for Western Orthodox: Evgraph Kovalevsky hoped that the Roman Church would someday come back to Orthodoxy, and then it would obviously be with the ‘orthodoxised’ Roman rite (Bourne 1978: 43).

12. At that time, Roman-rite Catholic Masses were said in Latin.

13. In which the Western rite played a role: in 1987, the French Church accepted a demand of the Romanian Church that the Byzantine rite should be celebrated at least on one Sunday every month (see Kovalevsky 1990: 413–59).

14. A biographical notice was prepared by Fr Serge Model (2012).

15. Bishop Grégoire himself is the author of a book on the history and restoration of the Gallican rite (Mendez 2008).

16. Some other groups led by ‘independent bishops’ have also adopted the Gallican rite, but they are not in a direct filiation with the original group around Bishop Jean de Saint-Denis.

17. ‘As it stands, the core of the Liturgy of Saint Tikhon is taken from the classic Anglican Eucharistic Liturgy, with extensive borrowings from the Tridentine Missale Romanum and a modest contribution from the contemporary Byzantine Rite … Before the Antiochian Archdiocese adopted the Liturgy of Saint Tikhon, this hybrid Romano-Anglican Liturgy was very commonly found in High Church, Anglo-Catholic parishes of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States’ (Andersen 2005: 15). ‘The Antiochian Western Rite Vicariate had but little to add … Most of this work had already been accomplished in common Anglo-Catholic practice’ (Andersen 2005: 13).

18. The attribution to St Tikhon does not mean that Patriarch Tikhon (Bellavin, 1865–1925) was the author. However, at the time he was the head of the Orthodox Church in America, he had asked the Holy Synod if, in case an entire Anglican parish and its minister would join the Orthodox Church, they could be allowed to keep the Book of Common Prayer, and what changes should be made. A commission established by the Holy Synod answered in 1904 (Frere 1917); interestingly, one of the members of the commission was the future Patriarch Sergius, who later authorised the use of the Western rite in France. Since Episcopalians who had considered coming under the Russian Church then decided otherwise, the question remained a theoretical one in the early twentieth century. ‘Tikhon authored no Eucharistic Liturgy; but he did play the crucial role in raising the possibility of using corrected Anglican liturgical forms in the North American Orthodox missionary context’ (Andersen 2005: 7).

19. Archbishop Nikon was a ROCOR bishop supportive of Western Rite Orthodoxy: he sent a long and warm message after the passing away of Bishop Jean de Saint-Denis (Jean de Saint-Denis, Eugraph Kovalevsky, 1905–1970, In Memoriam, Paris: Présence Orthodoxe, n.d., 93–4).

20. Published on the official website of ROCOR Western Rite Community (www.rwrv.org).

21. Fr Gregory Hallam, personal communication, 27 August 2013.

22. Fr Thomas Cook, personal communication, 22 August 2013.

23. Fr Pablo M. Alvarez, personal communication, 24 August 2013.

24 Stephen Coombs, personal communication, 2 September 2013.

25. Rev. Anthony Chadwick, a priest of the Anglican Catholic Church, has made this out-of-print text available online (Winch 2007).

26. This is used here in a purely technical, non-polemical way: the borders between what is ‘canonical’ and what is not can change rapidly in some of the cases discussed here (Seraïdari and Léonard 2007: 88).

27. Sometimes with echoes within canonical Orthodox Churches: in the early 2000s, an Orthodox monastery under the Moscow Patriarchate in Belgium translated and used during some time a Celtic liturgy (based on the ‘Lorrha-Stowe Missal’): this was an adaptation of a Missal published in English by Bishop Maelruain (Kristopher Dowling, 1955–2013), founder of a ‘Celtic Orthodox Christian Church’ in Akron (Ohio).

28. Coombs had distinguished three types of Western rites: ‘historical’ (Mensbrugghe), ‘modern-pragmatic’ (pre-Vatican II Roman rite with some adaptations) and ‘personaleclectic’ (Coombs 1987: 59; see Turner 2012c).

29. A different restoration of Sarum had already been blessed by Metropolitan Hilarion and published in 2008.

30. For instance, Dom Lambert Beauduin (1873–1960), also well-known as the founder of Chevetogne Abbey in Belgium, was in touch with Fr Evgraph and gave lectures at the newly-founded Institute Saint-Denis in 1944–1945, before his superiors asked him in early 1946 to suspend his collaboration (Loonbeek and Mortiau 2001: 1257–9).

31. Some bishops have been willing to consider a different approach, as illustrated by a document in Russian, discovered by Bernard Le Caro (whom we thank for sharing it and translating extracts) in the ROCOR archives in New York. The title of the unsigned and undated document is ‘O dopustimosti zapadnago bogoslužebnago čina dlja pravoslavnyh zapadnyh obščin’ (‘On the permissibility of the Western liturgical rite for Orthodox of Western communities’). Internal evidence makes clear that this 15-page-long text was prepared by Bishop (later Archbishop) Nathaniel (Lvov, 1906–1986) and written around 1950. In the late 1930s, in Ceylon, he had accepted a group of former Roman Catholics in the Orthodox Church, and they had been allowed to use the Western rite. In the document, Bishop Nathaniel writes that the epiclesis was absent from several ancient liturgical formularies in the West, such as those of St Gelasius, St Gregory the Great or St Leo of Rome: ‘either we must condemn the liturgical practice of such great saints … or we must acknowledge that the Western liturgy is possible without the epiclesis’ (p. 8). On the other hand, communion under both kinds was mandatory: according to Bishop Nathaniel, depriving the faithful of the Blood of Christ was anyway a later deviation in the Latin Church. Bishop Nathaniel’s approach placed the emphasis on avoiding as much as possible the introduction of arbitrary changes in liturgical traditions.

 

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