Saturday, June 27, 2026

The Subtle Effects and Sad Consequences of Ecumenism and Modernism on Orthodox Worship and Liturgical Piety

by Archbishop [Metropolitan] Chrysostomos of Etna

 

 

I constantly emphasize to people that we are not, like some hapless religious bigots—and they unfortunately exist—, opposed to ecumenism because we believe or—God forbid—hope that all of those outside Orthodoxy are going to be lost and condemned; rather, we stand in opposition to anything that, drawing on the dangerous spirit of religious and confessional relativism, impugns our conviction that the Orthodox Church contains and continues the fullness of the Church which, in the words of St. Athanasios the Great, “the Lord delivered, the Apostles preached, and the Fathers preserved.” It being our duty to pass on that which we know to be capable of transforming man and the world, we protect our Faith not solely or primarily for ourselves, but, in the Evangelical spirit of love, for our fellow men and women.

If ecumenism has rendered Orthodoxy just one among many religions and bereft of claims to the powers of spiritual and historical primacy—and dubbed us Orthodox traditionalists, according to the standards of “ecumenical love,” ignorant troglodytes—, the Orthodox ecumenists bear much of the responsibility for what this has done to the integrity of Orthodoxy and for the distortion of its witness in the contemporary ecumenical world. In this same way, each of us Orthodox today also bears no small responsibility for overlooking, much to our shame, the effects of religious syncretism (and our own laxity in practice) on Orthodox worship and liturgical piety. Here, too, we have thus compromised our witness to the world.

When Russia was converted to Orthodox Christianity, according to pious accounts, it was because Prince Vladimir’s representatives, who had gone throughout the world looking for a religion for his people, returned to the Prince and told him that they had, in the Great Church of Hagia Sophia, in Constantinople, experienced the beauty of a form of worship so lofty and exalted that they did not know whether they were in Heaven or on earth. Whatever the historical accuracy of this story, it captures perfectly the power of Orthodox worship and liturgical piety to effect contrition and true belief in those who avail themselves of its sacred dimensions. In our worship of God, we Orthodox bring Heaven and earth into communion; we enter into communion with God and bring the soul into intimate contact with its Creator.

How do we do this? First, we worship in an ascetic spirit: we stand while we worship, offering God our minds and bodies in prayer. We fast before Liturgy. We separate ourselves from the world, to whatever extent possible, in preparation for entering into the ethereal House of God, clad in the best of clothes, with the best of intentions, setting aside enmity with our enemies, and ready to stand spiritually clean before God through the Mystery of confession. The Church, in turn, is adorned in an other-worldly fashion, containing nothing of the daily world and reflecting—even in its iconographic style—another realm: a sacred world transformed and imbued with a new fragrance, a new language, and a new vision, as represented by the incense which we offer up to God, by the exalted poetry of the services, and by the subtle light and uplifting atmosphere of the sacred space which is the Church itself. And in this place, an eschatological New World present in some way even in this fallen domain, we come into direct communion with Christ, taking into ourselves—through the Mystery of the Eucharist, which is the central focus, aim, and purpose of our liturgical worship—His very Body and Blood and being united by Grace with Him, becoming “small Jesus Christs” within Jesus Christ and sons of God by adoption.

The power of the worship and liturgical piety of Orthodoxy, which has drawn even the most aggressive atheist to belief in God by way of a true encounter with Him in the Divine Liturgy, is one of the key Evangelical tools of the Orthodox Church. Yet, while we Orthodox anti-ecumenists may defend our Faith against the theological and ideological assaults of ecumenism and religious syncretism, we have been far too negligent—and often sinfully and willfully so, as I said above—in preserving the purity and integrity of this wondrous gift of our liturgical (in essence, our Eucharistic) traditions.

I remember my grandfather’s explanation of how the abuse of pews first entered into the Orthodox Church. He traced this generally to European influence and the desire of Orthodox to imitate what they considered the more “civilized” practices of the Latins and Protestants. However, the personal motivations behind this innovation he attributed to pride, since many Orthodox (especially in America) were insulted when non-Orthodox asked them if they were unable to afford pews; to spiritual laxity, since, after the calendar reform and the emergence of modernist ideas, lukewarm believers came to resent the ascetic aspects of worship—which were always a part of the Orthodox ethos and even Orthodox theology, as Father Georges Elorovsky observes; and ecumenism, since, as Orthodox began to look at their Church as something “between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism,” rather than a thing in and of itself, they came to believe that Orthodoxy could incorporate into its worship the “comforts” of heterodoxy (as they had the “convenience” of the New Calendar) without negative effects.

My grandfather’s trenchant observations, precisely on the mark, had prophetic dimensions. Now, eight decades after he first saw a decline in the integrity of Orthodox worship and liturgical piety in the Church, and only a little more than forty years after he spoke to me about these trends, we see a complete distortion of Orthodox worship. Even if one goes to historical Churches in Greece, while they may have Byzantine Icons of a traditional kind, they are often filled with pews (or with fancy carved chairs arranged as pews), completely spoiling the open space of the Church, which represents the worshipping world. Prostrations and similar signs of humble piety are fast disappearing, if simply because they are made impossible by these impediments. In this country, accustomed as they are to sitting at all times in Church, the faithful actually balk and protest at any attempt to encourage them to worship standing, as Orthodox tradition dictates. As a result, they sit, as though in a theatre, watching the “performance” of what they think is a “ritual” disconnected from them, separated, as they are, from participation in the leitourgia (literally “the work”) of the people of God.

In the past, Orthodox Churches had benches or choir stalls (stasidia) around the perimeter of the sacred space of the Church, so that the old and infirm could sit and where, during long services, those who were standing could rest for a few minutes, before standing again. Today, even in some so-called Old Calendar Churches (i.e., traditionalist Orthodox communities) in this country, naves and narthexes are crowded with pews or rows of ugly chairs, and all sorts of “comfortable” devices are not uncommon. Convenience and comfort have produced churches modelled on the halls and gathering places of the heterodox, if not the meeting places of secular clubs. Bright lights—rather than natural light, subtle oil lamps, and candles—distract the senses; worldly, quotidian artifacts clutter the Church; and familiar and profane adornments and even art (as though Byzantine iconography were just a style to be featured among many other kinds of artistic expression) are scattered about the place where one once encountered God in mystery.

Altar rails, Latin-style votive lights, and other non-Orthodox religious trappings of every kind can be found today in many Orthodox Churches—and, as I have observed, even in Old Calendarist Churches. The theatre has set the standard for our Churches. Chanting, rather than humbly offered as a melodious tribute to God, is frequently theatrical, dramatic, and operatic. In the few instances that the worshippers rise from their chairs, the thought of a bow or a prostration (which is, again, impossible to execute) is the last thing in the minds of any worshipper. If the believers are well-dressed, it is rarely with the thought in mind of meeting, in the Church, the Divine Master and the King of Kings; if anything, it is to impress others with one’s expensive clothes or one’s supposed taste.

The consequences of all of this are devastating. Once the faithful have lost a sense of asceticism in worship, they expect the Church to cater to their needs. One no longer sees an old and lame worshipper apologizing—unnecessarily—for his or her inability to stand through a service; rather, even healthy believers expect the Church to serve their needs and look to their comfort. Such an attitude impedes communion with God, which has already become difficult in an ecclesiastical atmosphere which has lost its ability to foster contrition, silence, and mystery, and which has, once more, become more like the theatre. Moreover, it subtly creates, by way of the influence of forms of worship foreign to Orthodoxy, a disrespect for the other ascetic elements of our Faith: fasting, self-sacrifice, self-abasement, and long-suffering patience.

And what is the final outcome of this deterioration in the traditional worship and liturgical piety of the Church? Ironically enough, it leads to the very thing that—though it may be opposed in theory and word— has been allowed to impact so negatively the inner life, the worship, of the Church; that is, it leads to ecumenism itself. The subtle effects of ecumenism and a spirit of modernism on the worship and liturgical piety of the Church, eating away at the heart of the Eucharistic and ascetic traditions of the Church, ultimately affect, not just the faith of the Orthodox ecumenists, but that of the uncareful anti-ecumenists. Thus it is that, denying to their children the unique experience of Orthodoxy, which so overwhelmed St. Vladimir’s emissaries in Constantinople, and the spiritual fruit that Orthodoxy produces when cultivated in the refined soil of traditional piety, here in the West our Old Calendar Churches have fewer and fewer young people. As the youth see a faith that proclaims itself unique, yet which draws on the ethos and thinking of the ecumenists, with their “comfortable” pews and salvation without ascetic sacrifice, they reject traditional Orthodoxy as “just another religion.”

As well, when Orthodox traditionalism succumbs to preaching in word and not in action, it becomes ecumenical in a way that most people do not understand. Bereft of practice and an external manifestation of its beauty and power, Orthodox resistance—and especially when it is preached with the fanatic fervor of those unwise in spirit—loses its quality of love. If Orthodox worship draws others by its externals, it is only because these externals are formed by, and endowed and redolent with, love. For true spiritual beauty cannot be separated from the Evangelical love that streams forth from our worship, which is based upon, drawn from, and fully revealed in the love of Christ which the Sacrifice of the Eucharist truly is. When we compromise that witness, then we become, whatever our confession, and no matter how loud or bombastic our pronouncements against religious syncretism, the essence of what ecumenists are: We are one with those who preach a false love.

Our anti-ecumenical efforts, therefore, have only just begun. They must continue, as well, in the restoration of the right worship central to right belief and True Faith.

 

Source: Orthodox Tradition, Vol. XXV (2008), No. 3, pp. 30-33. Reproduced in Orthodox Heritage, Vol. 17, Issue 05-06, May-June 2019, pp. 4-5.


Friday, June 26, 2026

“Struggle against the enemy in every way…”

A Letter of Metropolitan Makary II (Nevsky) of Moscow (+1926)

 

 

December 9, 1908

May the mercy of God be with you, sister Matrona.

I received your letter of November 30 on December 8. I had long been waiting for your reply and grieved in my soul, thinking that you had entirely strayed from the path of the Lord, being led astray by the enemy. Do not despair, servant of Christ: the enemy has deeply wounded you, but do not cease seeking the healing of these wounds from the physician of souls and bodies, our Lord, who has purchased us with His Blood and is ready to suffer again for every perishing soul, though the Blood He has already shed on Golgotha for sinners of the whole world and all times is sufficient.

Struggle against the enemy in every way: be strong in the Lord. Flee from temptations. Fight against sinful habits, fight against thoughts, for everything begins with a thought. And the enemy tries to instill evil thoughts. Guard yourself more often with the sign of the cross. When an evil thought appears, try to drive it away by remembering death and the torments of hell. Imagine an angel standing beside you; remember that you belong to Christ, that you partake of His Divine Body and Blood. It is difficult to struggle against sinful passions, but it is absolutely necessary to overcome them: in hell, it will be more painful and more terrible. Avoid people, avoid wicked companions. If you see temptation for yourself somewhere, flee from that place. Do not be ashamed to confess everything: do not spare yourself, the revelation of thoughts is the best way to overcome sinful habits. If you grow weak in the struggle—if you stumble again or fall—do not despair, rise and fight again, for despair is more sinful than all sins. In what the Lord finds a person, in that He will judge them. Do not live in that monastery where the corruption you know of has spread, so that you do not become infected by it. Practice the Jesus Prayer. Walk before the Lord. Struggle against the enemy, may the Lord be your helper. Write; if you find it difficult to confess to an unknown spiritual father, then write to the one to whom you have already confessed everything and ask for absolution. Even an absolution given from afar has power. By no means keep a disturbing sin long on your conscience, confess it frequently, do not be afraid, do not be ashamed; you are confessing to the Lord, we are all sinners before Him and in need of His mercy and forgiveness. May He help you. Do not be afraid!

The Lord be with you!

Give my regards to all the devout worshippers of the Annunciation Metochion. I remember them well. Be saved!

Your well-wisher and intercessor in prayer,
A[rchbishop] Makary [of Tomsk; later Metropolitan of Moscow]

 

Russian source: Молись, борись, спасайся!: Письма митрополита Макария (Невского) духовной дочери [Pray, struggle, be saved!: Letters of Metropolitan Makary (Nevsky) to his spiritual daughter], Moscow, "Lodja," 1998.

Online: https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Makarij_Nevskij/molis-boris-spasajsja/

Letter of Metropolitan Philaret of New York to Priest Gleb Yakunin

Dated April 1/14, 1979




Beloved in Christ, Father Gleb,

With attention and love, we have read a lot that is written by you and your friends in defense of the Orthodox Church and that makes it out of Russia. We deeply appreciate your dedication and your courage in exposing various negative traits of the church life around you.

You do not need our praise for doing that, because, as you make the feat of confession, exposing yourself to various dangers, God knows the price of your labors and He Himself will reward you according to your merits.

We understand the difficulties of your position and, together with all the children of the persecuted Russian Church, experience that same loneliness in the surrounding world, but we are not surprised of all that, for the Savior Himself foretold us, “In the world you will have tribulation” (Jn 16:33). The same should be expected, especially in the current period of apostasy in human history.

For more than half a century, we have been crying out to the surrounding world, trying to draw its attention to the plight of our people and to warn other peoples, so that they do not become victims of the same ills. Rarely do we find a positive response, but we do not lose our heart because of that.

However, we have a duty to tell you something in which we disagree with you.

When a person experiences severe distress, he is often willing to ask for help from anyone around him, without distinguishing whether they are of the same faith as him or not. This is only acceptable in legal or material matters. The history and the tradition of the Orthodox Church do not tell us of any cases where hope was placed not on the intercession of the Theotokos and of the saints of God, but on those who are alien to our church and sometimes are even enemies of Her.

Generally, in our relationship with those who belong to the non-Orthodox confessions, it is necessary to be especially careful that, in our desire to obtain their sympathy and support, we do not get close to that which separates them from Orthodoxy.

Not so long ago, you stretched out your hands for help and protection to the Protestants, represented by the World Council of Churches during its World Conference in Nairobi. The news about this spread widely, but there was no appropriate response. That did not surprise us at all. We know from experience that the Protestant world is often more inclined to believe the assurances of the Moscow Patriarchate on the complete well-being of religion in the Soviet Union, rather than the most convincing evidence of the terrible persecution of the Faith by the atheists.

Moreover, such conferences, instead of helping the faithful, have recently decided to provide significant financial assistance to the communist guerrillas in Africa, who were brutally killing Christian missionaries, and sometimes entire families with their children.

Should we be turning to such traitors of Christianity for help?

What especially saddened us, however, was your appeal to the Pope.

All that you write there about Metropolitan Nikodim is true. But, because he was betraying his Church to atheists when he fell down dead at the feet of the Pope, he was not asking the Pope for help for Orthodoxy, but was just telling him something important about new steps toward the betrayal of Orthodoxy, something which the Pope hesitated to declare publicly, calling his message “secret”.

You write about the “care of the throne of Rome” for the Christians of Russia. But, after all, this care is not about preserving and spreading Orthodoxy, but about turning our people toward Catholicism. We hear and know of the existence of a religious thirst among the Russian people, but can we thank those who, for the purpose of satisfying that thirst, send us something poisoned by heresy? About such persons like them the Savior warned us: “And do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul. But rather fear him who is able to destroy both soul and body in hell” (Mt 10:28).

The age-old dream of the Vatican to seduce the Russian people to Catholicism remains in full force, and now it only takes a new form under the cover of so-called “ecumenism”, this new and most dangerous heresy, introducing the Christian world to the religion of the Antichrist.

In the hope of a new Unia, even wider than the former one, the Vatican was reconciled with the accession of the Uniates to the Moscow Patriarchate. The Vatican hopes that in one form or another, they will ultimately return to its bosom.

Meanwhile, in your appeal to the Pope, you express the wish that “religious literature and radio broadcasts that would allow simple Orthodox believers to get closer acquainted with the Catholic Church, to overcome many prejudices, to discover and to fall in love with the saints of Catholicism, their spirituality, the Catholic church life and its unique features” – be more readily sent to Russia. In other words, you are asking that, instead of the true faith of Christ, something be spread among our people which the holy fathers and teachers of the Orthodox Church, and in particular Russian hierarchs and ascetics, have always recognized as false teachings. To people who have barely tasted the faith and have not yet been entrenched in it, you want to offer the temptation of heterodoxy, for the understanding of which they have neither knowledge nor experience.

I want you to know that for such a kind of appeal there cannot be any blessing from the genuinely Orthodox bishops of the Russian Church, because the appeal is alien to Her interests. To the Russian people, poisoned by atheism, you offer not a cure, but another poison. While condemning the activities of Metropolitan Nikodim, you are taking the road traveled by him, for he was promoting Unia with Catholicism in its new, semi-Protestant form.

In your person I want to communicate to everyone else who tends to the faith in Russia: “Put not your trust in princes, nor in the child of man, for there is no help in them” (Ps 146:3). Seek help in prayers to the Most Holy Theotokos, the saints and the New Martyrs of the Russian Church. Especially preserve the purity of your orthodoxy and remember that the attempt of the Byzantines to save themselves from the Turkish invasion by an agreement with Catholicism did not bring any help, but only damaged the Greeks. Faith is preserved and distributed not by the compromises inherent in politics, but by jealously guarding its purity and strength.

In your appeal to the Pope, you have expressed a lot of good and correct ideas, but your compromise with Western misconceptions undermines the importance and value of what you have written. Seek help for our Church not in the questionable teachings of the West, expounded and interpreted in so many different ways, but in prayers to the miracle-working icons revealed to our people, so that the Most Holy Theotokos may once again be favorable disposed to make our country her home.

Concerning Fatima and the predictions made there, in the West, there were different versions.

According to the official version, the Theotokos talked about the “conversion” of Russia, only if Russia was to be dedicated to Her Immaculate Heart. Allegedly, the visions of Lucia [1] from 1929 were about such a dedication. The Pope was reminded repeatedly about these; however, he did not pay attention to them (obviously not without a reason) and did not refer to the Fatima phenomenon, even when later on he consecrated Russia to the Heart of the Mother of God. Already many years after he was told about Fatima, on February 1930, Pope Pius XII dedicated the Russian people not to the Theotokos, but to St. Teresa of the Infant Jesus of Lisieux. Only in 1942 did Pope Pius XII dedicate the whole world, and not Russia, to the Theotokos. It was only in 1952, 35 years after the Fatima phenomenon, that he dedicated Russia to Her, but he did this alone, and not “with all the bishops of the world”, as he should have done it if he had believed the report of Lucia about her former visions. In doing this, he referred not to Lucia and her vision, but to “the many urgent petitions sent to him” from the faithful. It should also be noted that in the view of Catholics, Fatima represents the dream of converting Russia to Catholicism, and not at all the return of the Russian people to Orthodoxy. Also, remember that you must be servants and children of the Orthodox Church, and not of some mixed Orthodox-Catholic ecumenical denomination.

Only for a purely Orthodox confession do you have our blessing.

Not knowing how to deliver this letter to you, I publish it in print, with the hope that one way or another it will reach you.

May the Lord keep you!

 

[1] Lucia Dos Santos from the Apparitions at Fatima, Portugal – translator’s note.

 

Russian source: Pravoslavnaya Rus', no. 12, 1979.

English source: https://www.rocorstudies.org/2024/10/27/__trashed-3/

 

From the G.O.C. Archives: Letter of Archbishop Leonty of Chile to Bishop Petros of Astoria


 

August 25, 1968 [1]

Santiago, Chile

Your Eminence and beloved Vladika Petros,

I received the letter and the copy concerning your appointment in America and Canada, concerning something about which, as you know, I wrote repeatedly, coming face to face with their [i.e., the Greek Synod’s] anger. But this does not give them the right to change what was said about me in their Hierarchical Synod — regarding me as an elder brother, commemorating my name in the Services, and that nothing important should be done without my approval, neither ordinations nor other important procedures. As long as they observed these terms and discussed all matters, and before receiving the ordination documents from me, everything proceeded smoothly; but behold, they took the wrong path and began to ignore me and to persuade others as well, and so God allowed them to find themselves on the anti-Orthodox side. Specifically, by their own invitation, from July 24 to August 1, the Serbian former bishop Dionisije [Milivojević], who had lost his title, arrived in Athens together with the self-styled “bishop” Irinej [Kovačević], who was ordained by the uncanonical Ukrainian Church. There they convened a Synod and signed the terms of ecclesiastical communion and all related matters, and for this reason they departed from the path of Orthodoxy and fell into the basket of the heretics, until the final and official severance of relations with Dionysios. [2]

No one has the right to concelebrate with and recognize unlawfully ordained clergymen. All this is very sorrowful. It is your duty, as soon as possible, to send a letter to them and not to have ecclesiastical communion with them, if you wish to remain Orthodox. I also have no ecclesiastical communion with the Serbian Patriarch German, [3] just as with the Soviet Alexy [I of Moscow].

This is all that I must say to you.

It is good that Fr. Niphon was hosted by you and returned to his homeland. I await your answer on the matter as soon as possible. May God protect you.

Greetings to your household, as also to your Clergy and your Flock.

Your intercessor before God,

Archbishop Leonty

 

1. Archive of Bishop Petros Astyfides of Astoria. [Greek] translation from the Russian language.

2. Ultimately, as was proven, there was then no official communion of the G.O.C. with the “Free Serbs.”

3. The commemoration of German of Serbia was discontinued a little later also by the new Saint of Serbia, Fr. Justin Popović (see the newspaper Orthodoxos Typos, issue no. 144/15-7-1971).

 

Source: Η Αλληλογραφία του Αρχιεπισκόπου Λεοντίου Φιλίπποβιτς με τους Έλληνες Παλαιοημερολογίτες (1961–1969), by Nikolaos Mannis, Athens, 2022, pp. 348-349.

 

 

Byzantine Influence in the Roman Rite

Appendix X of Liturgy of the Roman Rite, by Archdale A. King, Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee, WI, 1957, pp. 444-451.

(Note: This text is referring to the traditional [a.k.a., “Extraordinary” or “Tridentine”] Roman Rite, and not the post-Vatican II Novus Ordo Missae and General Roman Calendar.)

 

 

‘Right down to the 8th century, even in some measure down to the 11th,’ says Dix, ‘Rome is not, properly speaking, a truly “Western” church… Rome is not only the heart of Western christendom, but the meeting point of East and West. And its liturgy reflects the fact.’ [1] The West borrowed extensively from the East, although what Rome took over from Constantinople or Syria it remodelled to its own mind. [2]

Byzantine influence shows itself to a marked extent in the mosaics of the basilicas and churches of Rome. To give a few examples: the ultimate source of the background of the two female figures in the apse mosaic of S. Pudentiana (384–9) is to be found in the architecture-scapes of Pompeian and Alexandrine wall-painting. [3] The tall and elongated figures in the manner characteristic of Byzantium are found in the conches of niches in the outer wall of S. Constanza, dating in all probability from the 5th century at a time when the building became a baptistery. The mosaics of the triumphal arch in S. Maria Maggiore were set up by Pope Sixtus III (432–40) to commemorate the council of Ephesus (431). A fully developed Byzantine style is seen in the apse mosaics of SS. Cosmas and Damian (526–30), where Christ is shown in the centre before a background of flame-coloured clouds, with figures on either side. The Christ is bearded, the costumes are treated in the Byzantine manner, and the heads and faces show that elongation which was later to become characteristic, first of Byzantine art, and then of the paintings of El Greco. [4]

In the 7th and 8th centuries Byzantine art and culture flourished in Rome, at a time when a number of Orientals were raised to the Chair of Peter, and refugees from the persecution of the Iconoclasts found an oasis of peace on the banks of the Tiber. No less than nine of the Popes were either Greeks or Syrians between the years 606 and 752; their patronage was lavish, employing craftsmen from the Greek world, who by figural mosaics stressed a disapproval of the heretical attitude of the Byzantine rulers. [5] The mosaics of the period are of extreme interest iconographically, many of which can be fairly exactly dated. The figure of St. Agnes, which takes the place of precedence in the apse of her basilica in the Via Nomentana dates from the decade 628–38, depicting the virgin martyr clad in the robes of a Byzantine empress. Again in the same century, in the oratory of S. Venantius at the Lateran, we see saints vested as Byzantine dignitaries. A survival of the greatest importance is to be found in the frescoes in the ruined basilica of S. Maria Antiqua in the Forum, although unfortunately they are in a bad state of preservation, and seem to be rapidly deteriorating. The saints appear in Eastern vesture. A third layer of paintings, completely in accord with Byzantine tradition, are found in the central apse, which was decorated by Pope John VII (705–7). ‘These frescoes and mosaics,’ says Arnott Hamilton, ‘…indicate the influence which the art and culture of the East exercised upon Rome throughout the 7th and early 8th centuries, an influence so profound that, for a considerable period of time, the art of the Western city was to a very great extent the art of Byzantium transplanted to Italian soil.’ [6] The existence of this church had been forgotten for centuries, and it was only rediscovered in 1900, when the church of S. Maria Liberatrice, which stood above it, was taken down. In the Marian year of 1954, Mass, in both the Roman and Byzantine rites, was said in the ruins of the basilica for the first time for a thousand years.

The theme of the glorification of the Virgin that we find in the church of S. Maria in Domnica (817–24) was probably chosen to emphasise the importance of the Marial cultus in the face of iconoclasm. The most truly Byzantine of all is the decoration in the chapel of St. Zeno, known also as the Orto del Paradiso, erected by Pope Paschal I in 822 to receive the bodies of St. Zeno and companions.

Byzantine art was nowhere more brilliantly illustrated in the 5th and 6th centuries than in Ravenna, a city of unique importance in the West. After 402 it became the seat of the emperor Honorius, his sister Galla Placidia, and her son Valentinian. Ravenna was occupied by Theodoric, king of the Goths, in 493, who ruled as deputy of the Byzantine emperor until his death in 526. The city was taken in 540 by Belisarius, the general of Justinian, and until the 8th century Ravenna was the residence of the exarch, the representative of the Byzantine emperor in Italy. A number of basilicas of the period have survived, although somewhat over restored. The mosaics, which are perhaps the chief glory of the churches, may be divided into two main groups, the one where classical feeling was uppermost, the other where the Byzantine style had already developed and become prominent. Thus in San Vitale the Christ in the apse is the youthful beardless figure of classical art, whereas the portrait groups of Justinian and Theodora are completely Byzantinised, and owe a greater debt to the East than to the Roman heritage. [7] The Ravenna mosaics were executed at three distinct periods: Galla Placidia (388–450), Theodoric (493–526) and Justinian (527–65). ‘In the third period,’ says Mr. Rice, ‘an art which is more truly Byzantine had emerged, and San Vitale is an essentially Byzantine church with an essentially Byzantine mosaic decoration inside it.’ [8] The concentration of the mosaics on the Eucharist have been thought to anticipate Byzantine church decoration of the 10th century. [9] Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, erected by Theodoric to serve as an Arian cathedral, has preserved its 6th-century nave, adorned with mosaics which belong partly to the Arian and partly to the Catholic period. [10]

The apse mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe (535–49) shows an allegorical representation of the Transfiguration, the symbolism of which belongs to the Semitic world, and it probably came to Italy from Syria along with the Christian faith. [11]

The figure of Christ (c. 500) in the apse mosaic of the chapel of S. Aquilino in the church of S. Lorenzo at Milan is of a very antique character; whereas the mosaics of San Vittore in Ciel d’Oro in the same city are more Oriental in type.

For three hundred years Sicily formed a part of the Byzantine Empire, and at least three of the buildings erected by the 12th-century Norman kings show to what extent they were beholden to the Greeks, despite the intermixture of Arab and Norman elements. The cathedral church of Cefalù is of Western character, but the earlier mosaics on the curved walls of the apse, dating from around 1148, were probably done by Greeks who had been brought from Byzantium at the request of the Norman rulers. The dates at which mosaics were set up in Sicily can to some extent be correlated with the periods at which the Sicilian and the Byzantine rulers were on good terms. [12] The decoration of La Martorana (S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio) at Palermo, on the other hand, is uniform in style and date; the work was done around 1151, and it is likely that Greek craftsmen from Cefalù passed on to the Martorana when their work in the apse at the former place was completed. Here the arrangement is more truly Byzantine, for the church is an Eastern rather than a Western building, with the Pantocrator occupying his usual position in the dome. The church would have been one of the finest examples of Byzantine art, if the choir had not been redecorated in the Rococo style. [13] Greeks, in about the year 1143, were responsible for the best mosaic-work in the Palatine chapel in the royal palace at Palermo. Monte Cassino, at the end of the 11th century, seems to have been considerably influenced by Byzantine art, and the basilica of S. Angelo in Formis near Capua, founded by Abbot Desiderius (later Pope Victor III) in 1058, retains frescoes of this school over the nave arches and a Pantokrator, accompanied by the founder, angels and St. Benedict, in the apse. The most perfect specimen of Byzantine art in Western Europe, dating in its present form from the middle of the 12th century, is probably the basilica of St. Mark in Venice. The 12th-century domed churches of Aquitaine are classified as Byzantine buildings, and their use of a dome is thought to have been inspired by its presence in the church of St. Front at Périgueux. [14] The plan of the Carolingian church at Germigny-des-Prés (early 9th century) near Orleans has a plan which is reminiscent of the quatrefoiled square of Armenia. It may well be, as Strzygowski suggests, ultimately traced to Armenian influence. [15]

The wonderful carved (Biblical scenes) ivory altar frontal (paliotto), dating from the end of the 9th century, which is to be met with in the museum of the cathedral church of Salerno, although a local work, is based on earlier Byzantine originals.

The extant 6th-century basilica of S. Maria delle Grazie at Grado seems to have been originally furnished with a prothesis [16] and a diakonikon, [17] one on either side of the sanctuary, as we find today in churches of the Byzantine rite.

Eastern sanctuaries, each with its corresponding church on the shores of the Bosphorus, sprang up by the 5th century in the neighbourhood of the Forum or Palatine in Rome. The city became, as St. Jerome (ob. 420) says, both a ‘Jerusalem’ and a ‘Constantinople’: Roma facta est Hierosolyma: Roma facta est Constantinopolis.

The dramatic character of the liturgical functions in Holy Week at Jerusalem at the end of the 4th century, as described by the Spanish pilgrim Etheria, was reproduced in Rome. [18] The Lateran basilica of St. Saviour took the place of the Anastasis; while S. Croce, since it enshrined a relic of the true Cross, came to be known as Hierusalem. St. Helena (ob. c. 330), in her construction of the Holy Cross basilica, may well have intended to reproduce the sanctuary of Golgotha (Martyrium), with its double chapel, ante crucem et post crucem.

‘All these foundations in Rome’, said Ildefonso Schuster, ‘could not but exercise a strong influence on the liturgy of the Apostolic See, and they contributed to the preservation of that international, or rather Catholic, character, in the widest sense of the word, which has always distinguished the Papal Court, and does so still to this day.’ [19]

The liturgical year, also, has been profoundly influenced by the East. The Neapolitan Kalendarium Marmoreum of the time of Tiberius, bishop of Naples (821–42), gives an idea of how ‘Byzantinised’ was the South of Italy. [20]

The influence of Constantinople may be seen in an inscription of the time of Pope Paul I (757–67) in the church of S. Silvestro in Capite in Rome. Here we have a list of the anniversaries of the saints whose relics the Pope enshrined in the church, but, although they were all Roman saints, the enumeration has been made according to the Byzantine calendar.

The Christmas cycle, says Baumstark, is farced with almost verbal reminiscences of Greek liturgical poetry. [21] The commemoration of St. Anastasia, the martyr of Sirmium, at the second Mass of Christmas comes to us through the introduction of her cultus by the Greeks into the Court church at the foot of the Palatine hill, which had been already known to them as Titulus Anastasiae from the name of the founder. ‘We will not be far wrong,’ says Fr. Kennedy, ‘in placing the development of the cult of Anastasia at Rome precisely in that period from 536 to 568 when the city was under the domination of Belisarius and Narses, and in all probability it was during this period that the name of our saint found its way into the Canon of the Mass.’ [22] Here on Christmas morning, as a kind of interlude between the Midnight Mass at St. Mary Major and the true Christmas Mass at St. Peter’s, was celebrated a Mass of St. Anastasia, in imitation of all that took place at Constantinople, which had not yet accepted 25 December as the feast of the Nativity. The three Christmas Masses are attested for the first time by St. Gregory (590–604). [23]

Baumstark suggests that a repetition of the Eucharist on the feast of the Nativity originated in Jerusalem. [24]

If S. Croce served as a replica of Jerusalem in Rome, we find also Bethlehem in the Liberian basilica of St. Mary Major, in which Pope Sixtus III (432–40) established an imitation of the crib. The feast of 25 December appears to have been introduced at Rome under Pope Julius I (336–52) as a solemnity of the Nicene dogma (ὁμοούσιος), from whence it passed to the East, but, as Baumstark says, it is to the Orient that we of the West owe all that belongs to its poetic lyricism. [25]

A solemnity of the Epiphany is said to have found its earliest attestation in the Gnostic milieu of Basilides at Alexandria.[26]

In the week preceding the Lenten fast, before the time of Gregory II (715–31), we find the celebration of Mass in Rome restricted to Wednesday and Friday, and there is still no Mass for the Saturday before Invocabit Sunday in the exemplar of the Gregorian sacramentary sent to Charlemagne, which is an obvious imitation of Byzantine usage. [27]

The triumph of the Cross, which is commemorated on mid-Lent Sunday (Laetare) in the Sessorian basilica (S. Croce in Gerusalemme), is a further borrowing from Byzantium.

It was long the custom on the Wednesday following Laetare, at the baptismal scrutinies in St. Paul outside the Walls, for an acolyte to recite the creed in Greek, a practice which survived Byzantine influence in Rome by many years.

There is no trace of the blessing and procession of palms at Rome until their introduction from the Carolingian liturgy, but they are derived from 4th-century Jerusalem.

The majestic rites of Good Friday are a Palestinian heritage which Rome adopted from Byzantium. The original Roman synaxis was no more than a modest feria privilegiata, not unlike the office of the preceding Wednesday: a Mass of the catechumens with three lessons. The Adoration of the Cross, which is simple enough in most of the Ordines Romani, has taken on a more solemn form under the influence of the Greek milieu, which was formerly vigorous in southern and central Italy. [28] The Einsiedeln MS. of the Roman Ordo follows Byzantine custom in directing the Pope to carry the censer in the procession on Good Friday from the Lateran to S. Croce. [29] At the same time, a deacon held a relic of the Cross behind the back of the Pontiff: post dorsum domini apostolici. This is considered to have been a representation of the Via Crucis, with the Pope in the place of our Lord, and the deacon in that of Simon of Cyrene. [30] A variation of the theme is found in a Typikon of Jerusalem, but here the relic was carried by the patriarch, bound to his shoulders; while the archdeacon made a show of dragging the prelate by force (σύρει αὐτόν), in acting the part of one of the executioners. [31] Still today in the Ambrosian rite, the archbishop walks in the procession of the cross swinging a censer.

The recitation of the trisagion on Good Friday was probably derived from Jerusalem by reason of the clause ‘who was crucified for us’, coming from a milieu which had not yet been troubled as to the orthodoxy of the phrase in this setting.

The chant Crucem tuam adoramus is a partial translation of the tropary in the Byzantine Paschal liturgy, so expressive of the joy and triumph which the Cross brought into the world: Ἀνάστασιν χριστοῦ θεασάμενοι.

The ‘Byzantinisation’ of the Roman liturgy for Good Friday would seem to have been the work of the Oriental Popes in the 6th–7th century.

The solemn lighting of the Jewish sabbatical lamp is recalled in the rite of Holy Saturday, in which the triumph of the risen Christ is expressed by the Easter candle.

There was no blessing of the candle at Rome in the 9th century, [32] and the practice seems to have come from South Italy, a district steeped in Christian Hellenism, from whence come the most ancient Exsultet rolls. A suspicion of the utilitarian character of the candle is discernible in the following passage: ut cereus iste… ad noctis hujus caliginem destruendam indeficiens perseveret.

The proclamation of the doctrine of the Divine Maternity of the Blessed Virgin at the council of Ephesus (431) resulted in an impetus to the Marial cultus.

The feasts of the Annunciation, Assumption, Nativity and Conception owe their diffusion throughout the Church to Constantinople.

The Annunciation was introduced at Rome by Leo II (681–3): a Sicilian with a rich Greek culture.

The feast of the Assumption owes its existence to Theodore I (642–9), who came from the clergy of Jerusalem.

The Nativity was first observed by Sergius I (687–701): the son of an Antiochene merchant resident in Palermo.

The Conception, a much more recent feast, was celebrated in the East on 9 December: Σύλληψις τῆς ἁγίας Ἄννης.

The torchlight processions on the solemnities of the Mother of God appear to have originated at Antioch. St. John Chrysostom (ob. 407) brought them to the shores of the Bosphorus, and three centuries later we find them introduced at Rome by Sergius I (687–701).

The feast of the Purification, which, like the Annunciation, was originally a feast of our Lord, was observed in Jerusalem with a solemn procession as early as the end of the 4th century, although there is no mention of candles. [33] The Ὑπαπαντή or Presentation, as it was called, was, however, celebrated with lights in the following century, a usage which Cyril of Scythopolis ascribes to a Roman lady of the name of Ikelia. It was thus a Christian practice borrowed from Jerusalem that was introduced at Rome, not an imitation of the pagan Lupercalia. The chant Adorna thalamum tuum is a translation of a Greek tropary which seems to come from Cosmas the Hagiopolite.

Other borrowings from the Byzantine liturgy include the alleluiatic verse in the third Mass of Christmas: Dies sanctificatus illuxit nobis, and the introit for the feasts of St. Agatha and All Saints: Gaudeamus omnes in Domino.

The introduction of the Agnus Dei by Sergius I (687–701) to serve as the chant of the fraction may have been inspired by the Byzantine liturgy, in which the priest at this time is directed to say: ‘The lamb of God is broken and distributed: the broken and not severed, the ever eaten and never consumed, but sanctifying the partakers’.

‘Rome,’ says Dom Ildefonso Schuster, ‘has borrowed from the East, the region whence we receive light, whether in the order of nature or in that of grace. By this wise eclecticism the Apostolic See has given the world a further proof of her truly cosmopolitan character, which enabling her to expand beyond her seven hills and her classical pomoerium has caused her to adopt all that is good and beautiful wherever she finds it; without needing to shut herself up within a barrier of narrow and repellant nationalism, as so many lesser Churches have done.’ [34]

Eastern contacts, however, were weakened by the share of the Pope in the re-establishment of a Western emperor in the person of Charlemagne (800); while a fatal division between East and West resulted from the schism of Michael Caerularius (1054), and the misconduct and general tactlessness of the Crusaders.

 

FOOTNOTES [numbering combined]

1. Dix, op. cit., chap. XIV, p. 543.

2. Ibid.

3. D. T. Rice, Byzantine Art (London, 1954), chap. V, p. 84.

4. Ibid., pp. 85–6.

5. Eleven Greeks and six Syrians have occupied the Chair of Peter. Greeks: Evaristus (97–105); Telesphorus (125–36); Hyginus (136–40); Anterus (235–6); Sixtus II (257–8); Eusebius (309); Zosimus (417–8); Theodore I (642–9); John VI (701–5); John VII (705–7); Zachary (741–52). Syrians: Anicetus (155–66); John V (685–6); Sergius I (687–701); Sisinnius (708); Constantine (708–15); Gregory III (731–41).

6. Arnott Hamilton, Byzantine Architecture and Decoration (London, 1933), chap. III, p. 45.

7. Rice, op. cit., chap. V, p. 83.

8. Ibid., p. 88.

9. The mosaics in the choir possibly date from about 527–35; while those in the apse may be a little later: from 547.

10. In 1955 the church was considered liable to collapse, and was closed pending restoration.

11. Rice, op. cit., chap. V, pp. 88–9.

12. Ibid., p. 98.

13. Rice, op. cit., pp. 98–9.

14. Arnott Hamilton, op. cit., chap. X, p. 149.

15. Ibid., pp. 151–2.

16. The prothesis is used in the Byzantine rite for the preparation of the bread and wine.

17. The diakonikon answers to our sacristy.

18. Ethérie: Journal de Voyage, edit. Hélène Pétré (Paris, 1948), pp. 219–41.

19. Schuster, The Sacramentary, vol. III (London, 1927), chap. I, p. ii.

20.The calendar gives a long series of patriarchs of Constantinople, ending with Paul II (ob. 820).

21. Baumstark, Liturgie Comparée (Chevetogne, 1953), chap. VI, i, p. 110.

22. Kennedy, Saints of the Canon of the Mass (Vatican City, 1938), part II, chap. III, p. 185.

23. Greg., Hom. in Evang., lib. I, Hom. VIII.

24. Baumstark, op. cit., chap. IX, i, p. 171.

25. Ibid., p. 180.

26. Ibid., p. 169.

27. Ibid., chap. X, 2, p. 220.

28. Ibid., chap. VIII, 2, p. 158.

29. Ibid., pp. 158–9. Duchesne, op. cit., append. 2, p. 482.

30. Baumstark, ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. The symbolism of the paschal candle was not ignored by Rome, and, in a letter to St. Boniface, Pope Zachary (741–52) recalls the urban usage.

33. Peregrinatio Etheriae; Ethérie, Journal de Voyage, edit. H. Pétré (Paris, 1948), pp. 206, 207.

34. Schuster, The Sacramentary, vol. III, introd., chap. I, pp. 13–14.

Historic Letter of Bishop Chrysostomos (Naslimes) of Magnesia (+1973) to St. Philaret of New York (+1985)

On the Uncanonical Episcopal Ordinations of Archbishop Auxentios of Athens and the Correction of Matthewite Orders

 

HOLY DIOCESE
OF THE GENUINE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS
OF MAGNESIA

Dimarchou Georgiadou Street 135
Telephone No. 58 38
VOLOS

Protocol No. 29

In Volos, 3/16 August 1971

TO
Metropolitan His Eminence PHILARET
In the U.S.A.

Your Eminence,

Since Your love and interest toward our Church in Greece of the G.O.C. are great, I have the honor to make known to you the uncanonical actions of our Most Blessed Archbishop, His Beatitude Auxentios, concerning the ordinations of Hierarchs that [recently] took place,* disregarding our opinion, which was negative. I consented only to the ordination of Archimandrite Chrysostomos Kiousis, and to this one because he had been elected by Clergy and People before our ordinations. Not only was I ignored with regard to the persons and their number, but even after the ordination, no notification was made to me by His Beatitude.

I was also informed that before the ordination, they were compelling the candidates to sign a declaration by which they accept terms that they had imposed. Among these terms, as I heard, are the obligatory recognition of the “Matthewite[”] ordinations – a constraint from the Holy [Bishop Akakios] of Diavleia – their non-involvement in matters of administration, the acceptance of the supremacy of His Beatitude, etc., which declaration is wholly contrary to the spirit of Christianity and the Canons of the Church.

Our opinion concerning the ordinations performed by Matthew alone is the same as that of the Church, which never accepted such uncanonical acts as valid, and especially if it is taken into consideration that no necessity existed; I ask Your Eminence, during the discussions with our Archbishop who is there,** to draw His attention to this, because such actions do not advance the struggle, but on the contrary divide and bring destruction.

Hoping that I shall receive your due attention, I remain

with brotherly greetings,

Chrysostomos of Magnesia

 

* The following bishops were ordained by the GOC in 1971, none of whom were canonically elected except for Archimandrite Chrysostomos Kiousis:

- Paisios (Evthymiadis) of Euripos

- Chrysostomos (Kiousis) of Thessalonika

- Kallinikos (Chaniotis) of Thavmakos

- Akakios (Ntouskos) of Montreal

** The ROCOR was reviewing and correcting the orders of the Matthewite hierarchy at the time, with the hopes of reuniting the Florinite and Matthewite factions.

 

 

Hieromonk Sava (Janjić) on “Resisting from Within”

(Now Archimandrite and Abbot of Visoki Dečani Monastery, Deçan, Kosovo)

 

 

Subject: Re: bishops

Date: Thu, 01 May 1997 13:33:59 +0200

From: "Fr. Sava"…

Organization: Decani Mon[a]stery

To: Chris…

Dear brother Chris,

My personal opinion is that there is very little chance that "official" Orthodoxy leaves its ecumenical course. You have probably read St. Ignaty Brianchaninoff who said somewhere that [the] official Church will one day surrender to the spirit of Antichrist while the Real Church will continue to exist in form of various groups of Orthodox Christians whose canonicity will not be based on the criterion of obedience to the administrative and official Church organization but to the Holy Tradition, holy Fathers and Synods. But now when all possibilities of fight[ing] for truth within the official Church organization are not completely exhausted it is very important not to be impatient and create unreasonable schisms. I think this was the attitude of St. Justin Popovic who was a great opponent of ecumenism although he never openly broke with the Patriarchy in Belgrade and Greek Church of Athenagoras

In Christ

Fr. Sava

 

Blog Administrator question: At what point will this rationale end? Or is communion with those who openly and unrepentantly preach heresy acceptable in perpetuity?

 

The Ordeal of Truth

Protopresbyter Dionysios Tatsis | June 26, 2026

 

 

It is a great thing to know the truth about some serious event and to defend it with courage, disregarding the reactions of the guilty. Unfortunately, most people know the truth, but they do not defend it, thereby strengthening those who cover it up and, with great audacity, seek to obscure it.

Truly, how fitting is it for a conscious Christian not to defend the truth and to find repose in the falsehood of others? Especially when people are easily led astray and become defenders of falsehood? In the face of truth, silence is condemnable. The darkness of falsehood must not prevail, nor must the lamp of truth remain extinguished.

The same also holds true for the defense of the Faith, and especially in an age when her enemies have increased. The Apostles and the innumerable multitude of the Martyrs of the Church give us the example. An experienced bishop said concerning this: “Peter and John, undaunted and with boldness, said to the chief priests: ‘We cannot but preach those things which we have seen and heard.’ This is the witness of Jesus Christ, the witness and defense of the truth, for which the Saints are led to martyrdom even unto death.”

The martyric mindset does not exist in all Christians. In its place are cowardice and fear. They know, and they do not confess. “This is the cost-free and painless witness of Jesus Christ: it costs nothing to know and not to know, to speak and not to speak, to fight and not to be in danger. The most repulsive thing for the Faith and for the witness of the truth is to be neither hot nor cold, but lukewarm.”

In our age the enemies of the truth have multiplied. They are the antichrists who cannot and do not wish to see the truth, although at times they appear as its defenders. They do this in order to preserve their offices and their position in the conscience of the people. “They are truly pitiable and tragic.” Such people, unfortunately, we also see in the sphere of the Church. There are those who supposedly support the truth, and the exactness of the Faith, in order to cover up falsehood. We are speaking of a dynamic hypocrisy that is both hateful and dangerous. “To put the truth forward in order to cover up falsehood. To appear holy in order to conceal your impiety; to cry out the name of God in order to cover up the presence of the devil. And this has become so common in our time that we need much attention and ascetic struggle in order for us human beings to be able to understand one another. It has become an art and a science, upon which the great evil of the age is founded: propaganda, politics, and diplomacy. What, then, is the truth after all?” the experienced bishop emphasized with pain.

The man who respects the truth of the Faith, but also the truth of social affairs, often faces contempt and sometimes even mockery. Unfortunately, some clergymen also cooperate in this unpleasant tactic. They are those who criticize everyone except themselves!

The suppression of the truth about the personality and ethos of a man is a frequent phenomenon in the various events of honor that are organized, but also in the funeral orations that are delivered.

Everyone is present, and only the truth is absent. If history is based on these events, we have deception and, of course, a degradation of the value that historical conclusions have concerning persons, things, and activities.

 

Greek source:

 https://orthodoxostypos.gr/%e1%bc%a1-%cf%80%ce%b5%cf%81%ce%b9%cf%80%ce%ad%cf%84%ce%b5%ce%b9%ce%b1-%cf%84%e1%bf%86%cf%82-%e1%bc%80%ce%bb%ce%ae%ce%b8%ce%b5%ce%b9%ce%b1%cf%82/

Thursday, June 25, 2026

The Key Points of the New Ecclesiology of the Synod of Crete


 

The basic points of the new ecclesiology, which emerge from the analysis of the texts of the Synod, especially the text “Relations of the Orthodox Church with the Rest of the Christian World,” are the following:

1. The use of the term “Church” for the heterodox

This point constitutes the central core of the disagreement.

• The Position of the Synod: The text historically recognizes the existence of “other Christian churches and confessions” (par. 6).

• The Critique: The term “Church” belongs exclusively to the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, that is, Orthodoxy. The recognition of “other churches” is considered to introduce the “Branch Theory,” which maintains that the various Christian confessions are “branches” of a broader Church that has lost its unity, rather than the deluded severance of the heretics from the Body of Christ.

2. The change in the definition of unity

• The Position of the Synod: The idea of the “restoration of Christian unity” is promoted through the World Council of Churches (WCC) and theological dialogue.

• The Critique: Unity is already given and dogmatically intact within the Orthodox Church. The pursuit of “unity” with those who are in error (heresies) is considered to reduce Orthodoxy to one confession among many, abolishing the exclusivity of Salvation.

3. The “Sacramental” approach to the heresies

• The Position of the Synod: Through dialogue, convergence is sought, while avoiding the sharp condemnatory language of the past.

• The Critique: The recognition of a “common basis” with the heterodox (e.g. recognition of baptism) creates the erroneous impression of “sacramental validity” outside the boundaries of the Orthodox Church, disregarding the strict patristic position that outside the Church there are no Mysteries.

4. The “Ecclesiastical” acceptance of Ecumenism

• The Position of the Synod: The participation of the Orthodox Church in the WCC is affirmed as an institutional framework for dialogue.

• The Critique: This participation is not simple dialogue, but “ecclesiastical alignment” with heresy. The Synod of Crete “legitimized” Ecumenism, making it official synodal policy, whereas previously it was considered a “pan-heretical” tendency that did not bind the body of the Church.

5. The hierarchical devaluation of Orthodoxy

• The Position of the Synod: The Church self-identifies as the “One” which seeks to convey its tradition to the world.

• The Critique: In the texts there is a leveling language. The use of terms such as “Christian world” or “heterodox confessions” in a way that places them on the same level as the Orthodox Church is considered to alter Orthodoxy’s self-consciousness as the unique Ark of Salvation.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/blog-post_24.html

 

 

 

 

 

On the Pseudo-Synod of Crete’s Document “Relations of the Orthodox Church with the Rest of the Christian World”

A Brief Theological Commentary

 

Orthodox primates gathered at a Crete monastery on June 17 to consider a “draft message” of the coming week's council.

 

Paragraphs 1- 5

1. The Orthodox Church, being the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church, in her profound ecclesiastical self-consciousness firmly believes that she holds a principal place in the matter of promoting Christian unity in the contemporary world.

2. The Orthodox Church bases the unity of the Church on the fact of her foundation by our Lord Jesus Christ and on communion in the Holy Trinity and in the Mysteries. This unity is expressed through apostolic succession and patristic tradition and is lived within her to this day. The Orthodox Church has the mission and obligation to transmit and preach all the truth contained in Holy Scripture and Sacred Tradition, which also gives the Church her catholic character.

3. The responsibility of the Orthodox Church for unity, as well as her ecumenical mission, were expressed by the Ecumenical Councils. These especially set forth the indissoluble bond existing between right faith and sacramental communion.

4. The Orthodox Church, unceasingly praying “for the union of all,” has always cultivated dialogue with those separated from her, those near and those far, and indeed has taken the lead in the contemporary search for ways and means for the restoration of the unity of those who believe in Christ. She has participated in the Ecumenical Movement from its appearance and has contributed to its formation and further development. Moreover, the Orthodox Church, thanks to the ecumenical and philanthropic spirit that distinguishes her, which, according to God’s command, asks that “all men be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth” (1 Tim. 2:4), has always struggled for the restoration of Christian unity. Therefore, Orthodox participation in the movement toward the restoration of unity with other Christians in the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church is in no way foreign to the nature and history of the Orthodox Church, but constitutes a consistent expression of the apostolic faith and tradition within new historical circumstances.

5. The contemporary bilateral theological dialogues of the Orthodox Church, as well as her participation in the Ecumenical Movement, are based on this consciousness of Orthodoxy and on her ecumenical spirit, with the aim of seeking, on the basis of the truth of the faith and of the tradition of the ancient Church of the seven Ecumenical Councils, the unity of all Christians.

 

COMMENTARY

This text is a masterpiece of ecclesiastical diplomacy: it says to the Orthodox, “do not worry, we are not betraying the faith,” while at the same time it says to the other Christians, “we are coming to unite you with us.” But the essence is that it opens the door to a relationship of equality with heresies — something that for centuries was considered unthinkable.

From an anti-ecumenist point of view, this text is the beginning of the end: the moment when the Orthodox Church decided to play the game of the modern world, to become “acceptable” and “dialogical,” instead of remaining faithful to her ministry of the truth — which, as the Fathers said, admits no compromise with falsehood, not even for the sake of “love.”

What does this text mean in practice?

1. Before, some Orthodox questioned whether we should go. Now, the text says that it is a “natural continuation.”

2. If you speak of “other Christians” and the “restoration of unity,” you remove the designation “heretics.” This leads to the recognition of their mysteries.

3. The text says “on the basis of the truth of the faith” — but if you do not define what this truth is, you leave room for compromises. It allows the Orthodox Church to play a double role: to say to the faithful, “we are the One Church,” and to the others, “we are open to dialogue.” This is diplomacy, not theology.

The language of these texts is not simply a means of communication, but a field of ideological and theological reconstruction, where words function as the BEGINNING of a new reality. Through the replacement of traditional ecclesiastical terms with new ones, a shift in essence is being pursued, transforming the way in which the reader perceives dogmatic and ecclesiastical truth.

This process begins with the deconstruction of the concept of “heresy.” Whereas the term traditionally denotes a voluntary deviation from the truth, the text uses the phrase “those separated from her” (separated from us), shifting the weight of responsibility. Heresy ceases to be an internal apostasy and is presented as a simple “division,” creating the impression that the Church bears a share of the responsibility for this estrangement. In the same way, the concept of “return” to Orthodoxy is replaced by the “restoration of unity.” Here, the emphasis moves from the need for repentance and confession of the truth to an artificial convergence, as though dogmatic chasms did not exist, but merely an interrupted unity that must be restored administratively.

The alteration continues at the level of faith and communion. The term “right faith” is downgraded to “truth of the faith,” turning a specific, defined, and soteriological truth into an abstract and subjective concept. Correspondingly, “sacramental communion,” which points to tangible and ecclesiological participation in the Mysteries, is replaced by the phrase “communion in the Holy Trinity.” This change shifts the discussion from the field of ecclesiastical practice and dogmatic precision to the field of a theoretical, vague, and difficult-to-understand theology, which lacks specific ecclesiastical reference.

The culmination of this linguistic revision is the replacement of the “condemnation of heresies” with the word “dialogue.” Condemnation, which functions as the necessary protective wall of truth, is rechristened as dialogue, implying that the Church does not possess the truth over against falsehood, but simply participates in an exchange of views between equal sides. In this way, the text does not merely describe reality, but reshapes it, using words as tools to weaken the Orthodox phronema and to impose a new, fluid understanding of ecclesiastical unity.

This text is not simply a “different opinion.” It is a contract for the submission of the Orthodox phronema to the logic of the modern world. The modern world says:

• “All religions are the same” → The text says, “all Christians must be united” (removing the differences).

• “Dialogue is always good” → The text says, “we have always cultivated dialogue” (even if it was with heretics).

• “History evolves” → The text says, “new historical circumstances” (tradition changes).

• “Identity is fluid” → The text says, “ecumenical spirit” (Orthodoxy is no longer “right belief,” but an “ecumenical spirit”).

This text, from an anti-ecumenist point of view, is not simply wrong — it is dangerous. Because it does not say clearly, “we are betraying the faith.” It says, “we are adapting the faith.” And this adaptation, little by little, leads to the same result: the loss of Orthodox identity, not in a violent way, but through plagiarism, hypocrisy, and historical revision.

As Saint John Chrysostom said: “Heretics do not deny the name of the Church, but the essence” — heretics do not deny the name of the Church, but the essence. This text keeps the name, but loses the essence.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/1-5.html

 

 Paragraphs 6–7:

6. According to the ontological nature of the Church, her unity cannot be disturbed. Nevertheless, the Orthodox Church accepts the historical name of other heterodox Christian Churches and Confessions that are not in communion with her, but believes that her relations with them must be based on their clarification, as quickly and objectively as possible, of the whole ecclesiological question, and especially of their more general teaching concerning Mysteries, grace, priesthood, and apostolic succession.  Thus, she has been favorable and positively disposed, for both theological and pastoral reasons, toward theological dialogue with the rest of the Christians on both a bilateral and multilateral level, and more generally toward participation in the Ecumenical Movement of modern times, in the conviction that through dialogue she gives a dynamic witness to the fullness of the truth in Christ and to her spiritual treasures to those outside her, with the objective aim of smoothing the way that leads to unity.

7. In the above spirit, all the Most Holy local Orthodox Churches today participate actively in official theological dialogues, and the majority of them also in various national, regional, and international inter-Christian organizations, despite the deep crisis that has arisen in the Ecumenical Movement. This manifold activity of the Orthodox Church springs from a sense of responsibility and from the conviction that mutual understanding and cooperation are essential, “that we may give no hindrance to the Gospel of Christ” (1 Cor. 9:12).

 

Identification of the ecumenistic elements

1. The text systematically uses the term “Ecumenical Movement” without quotation marks or distancing, as though it were a self-evident reality. The phrase “of modern times” and not “of the last decades” creates a historical legitimation, as though the Movement had always existed. This is significant: it incorporates the ecumenistic narrative into ecclesiastical history.

2. It begins with a strong position: the unity of the Church is undisturbed. Immediately afterward, however, it speaks of “relations” with the heterodox and of a “way... toward unity.” If unity is already given, why the “way”? Why the “smoothing”? The wording does not explain whether the “way” leads to an already existing unity, which would be redundant, or to a new, different unity, which would be theologically problematic.

3. The phrase “gives dynamic witness to the fullness of the truth in Christ” is extremely vague. What does “dynamic witness” mean in a theological dialogue? Witness to whom? To the heterodox? But the witness of the Truth is not negotiable; it is not a “contribution” to a common treasury. The use of the term “dynamic” suggests the idea of interaction, of reciprocity, which comes into tension with the “fullness” that precedes it.

4. The passage 1 Cor. 9:12 (“that we may give no hindrance to the Gospel”) refers to the right of the Apostles to be fed from the Gospel, which they renounce in order not to give an obstacle. In the ninth chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, the Apostle Paul develops his argument concerning apostolic authority and his rights.

• Paul makes clear that as an Apostle he has the full right (“authority”) to be fed and financially supported by the community to which he preaches (“so also the Lord commanded that those who proclaim the Gospel should live from the Gospel,” 1 Cor. 9:14).

• He voluntarily chooses not to make use of this right, working with his own hands (as a tentmaker), so that he might not be accused by malicious people of preaching for gain.

• “that we may give no hindrance to the Gospel of Christ.” The “hindrance” (obstacle, barrier) would be the suspicion of self-interest, which would weaken the preaching of grace.

Paul is speaking of the sacrifice of the ego and of comforts so that Christ may shine forth. The transformation of this passage into a “tool” of external ecclesiastical policy, in order to make theological reserve or fidelity to tradition seem blameworthy, is indeed an alteration (falsification) of the Scriptural spirit. The Church bears witness to the Gospel by her truth, not by fear that her absence from the world might be considered a “hindrance.”

5. The phrase “despite the deep crisis that has arisen” is indicative. The crisis is not a reason for withdrawal, but an obstacle to be overcome. The “despite” indicates that, despite the objections, the activity continues. This shows a predetermined direction: participation is not open to revision; it is a given that simply needs management.

6, Nowhere does the text set limits on dialogue. It speaks of “as quickly as possible... clarification,” but it does not define what will happen if the clarification does not come. It speaks of “theological dialogue,” but it does not clarify whether there are non-negotiable points. The lack of limits is especially problematic in a text that addresses matters on a theological level: without red lines, dialogue tends to become an end in itself.

7. The text downgrades ecclesiology in favor of “cooperation.” The sequence “Mysteries, grace, priesthood, and apostolic succession” concerns ecclesiologically critical issues, but they are presented as objects of “clarification” — that is, as issues that have not already been clarified by the Orthodox tradition, but require renegotiation through dialogue.

The Ecclesiological Paradox

Anti-ecumenist criticism identifies a fundamental contradiction in the text: on the one hand, it declares that “her unity cannot be disturbed” (the unity of the Church cannot possibly be disturbed), while on the other hand it speaks of “other heterodox Christian Churches” — that is, heterodox “Churches.”

According to patristic teaching, if the Church is one (One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic), then those outside her cannot bear the title “Church” in the full sense. The use of the term “Churches” for heterodox communities is considered an ecclesiological concession that violates the self-consciousness of the Orthodox Church.

The “Historical Name” as a Euphemism

The phrase “accepts the historical name” is considered a window-formulation that permits the de facto recognition of heretical communities as ecclesiologically legitimized. The critique points out that the Church does not accept “historical names,” but truth — and the truth is that outside the Orthodox Church there is no salvation (Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus).

The Issue of the Mysteries

The text refers to the need for “clarification” concerning “Mysteries, grace, priesthood, and apostolic succession.” Anti-ecumenist criticism considers this approach an avoidance of clear confession. According to the patristic tradition:

• Saint Cyprian of Carthage: “Among the heretics, there is no Church” — “among the heretics there is no Church.”

• Saint Basil the Great (Letter to Amphilochius, Canons 1, 47): The baptism of heretics is without validity.

• Apostolic Canons 46, 47, 50, 68: Bishops and presbyters who accept the baptism or ordination of heretics are deposed.

The position that the mysteries of heretics are invalid and graceless “in themselves” constitutes the fixed teaching of the Church. Their recognition depends exclusively on the return of the heretics to Orthodoxy (by economia, not according to strictness).

Overall Assessment

The text is not ecumenistic in the sense of immediate merging, but in the sense of the structural incorporation of ecumenistic logic. It preserves Orthodox vocabulary, but uses it in a context where:

• Participation in the Ecumenical Movement is presented as a theological imperative through 1 Cor. 9:12.

• The designation “heterodox Churches” is accepted without reservation “accepts the historical name.”

• Truth is presented as a “dynamic witness” within a dialogue, and not as a given reality that calls to repentance.

The critical focus is that the text legitimizes ecumenistic practice without grounding ecumenistic theory. It does not explain why the Orthodox Church must participate in organizations where heterodoxy has an equal voice; it simply presents this as a given. The “deep crisis” is acknowledged but not evaluated — it does not say whether the crisis was justified or not, only that it did not prevent the continuation of the activity.

If the text sought to be strictly Orthodox, it would at least have to: (a) define non-negotiable points, (b) set a time limit or criteria for the success of the dialogue, (c) clarify that the “historical name” does not entail ecclesiological recognition. The absence of these elements makes the text functionally ecumenistic, regardless of its ontological safeguards at the beginning.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/6-7.html

 

Paragraphs 8–9

8. Certainly, the Orthodox Church, in dialoguing with the rest of the Christians, does not overlook the difficulties of such an undertaking, but understands them in the course toward the common understanding of the tradition of the ancient Church and in the hope that the Holy Spirit, which “holds together the whole institution of the Church” (sticheron of Pentecost Vespers), will “supply what is lacking” (prayer of ordination). In this sense, the Orthodox Church, in her relations with the rest of the Christian world, does not rely only on the human powers of those conducting the dialogues, but awaits above all the oversight of the Holy Spirit in the grace of the Lord, who prayed “that they all may be one” (John 17:21).

9. The contemporary bilateral theological dialogues, proclaimed by Pan-Orthodox Conferences, express the unanimous decision of all the Most Holy local Orthodox Churches, which are called to participate actively and continuously in their conduct, so that the unanimous witness of Orthodoxy may not be hindered, to the glory of the Triune God. In the event that some local Church should decide not to appoint its representatives to a particular dialogue or assembly of dialogue, if this decision is not Pan-Orthodox, the dialogue continues. Before the beginning of the dialogue or of the assembly respectively, the absence of any local Church must in any case be discussed by the Orthodox Committee of the dialogue, for the expression of the solidarity and unity of the Orthodox Church. The bilateral and multilateral theological dialogues must be subject to periodic Pan-Orthodox evaluations.

 

COMMENTARY

1. The problem with the phrase “the rest of the Christians”

The text refers to the non-Orthodox as “the rest of the Christians” and “the rest of the Christian world.” This is a great theological error from an anti-ecumenist point of view. The Orthodox Church does not recognize any other Christian confession as a “Church.” Heretics are not “the rest of the Christians,” but heretics, or at most schismatics. To call them “Christians” means that we recognize their ecclesiality, something that goes against our faith that the Orthodox Church is the only, the true, and the undivided Church of Christ.

2. The misleading invocation of the Holy Spirit

The text invokes the Holy Spirit as the guarantor of the dialogues, referring to the sticheron of Pentecost “holds together the whole institution of the Church” and to the prayer of ordination “to supply what is lacking.” This invocation is theologically irresponsible: the Holy Spirit acts only within the Orthodox Church, as the Body of Christ, and does not “constitute” institutions outside the Church. The phrase “to supply what is lacking” refers to the ordination of an Orthodox cleric, not to dialogues with heretics. To apply this prayer to encounters with heretics is blasphemy — as though we were saying that the Holy Spirit is lacking from some institution and needs “completion” through association with heretics.

3. The “common understanding of tradition” — a theological paradox

The text speaks of a “common understanding of the tradition of the ancient Church.” This is impossible: the heretics rejected the tradition of the ancient Church, so how can there be a “common understanding” with those who rejected it? The truth is not an object of negotiation. The tradition of the Church is full and unalterable. What is needed is not a “common understanding” with heretics, but confession of the truth and their return to Orthodoxy. This expression implies that the truth is found somewhere “in the middle,” between Orthodoxy and heresy — a proposition utterly unacceptable to the Orthodox faith.

4. The violation of ecclesiology: continuation of dialogues despite the absence of local Churches

The text states that, if a local Church refuses to participate in a dialogue, “the dialogue continues.” This is utterly unacceptable: the Orthodox Church is one and undivided, and therefore no dialogue can be conducted “in the name of Orthodoxy” without the participation of all the local Churches. The continuation of the dialogue despite the clear refusal of a local Church is a schism-producing act — it divides the unity of Orthodoxy for the sake of Ecumenism. The phrase “the absence... must be discussed... for the expression of solidarity” is empty talk. True solidarity would require the interruption of the dialogue, not its continuation.

5. The abusive interpretation of John 17:21

The invocation of the Lord’s prayer “that they all may be one” (John 17:21) is a classic ecumenistic trick: the Lord was praying for the unity of His disciples, who were already within the Church, not for union with heretics. Unity is unity in the truth. Unity without the truth is syncretism, not ecclesiological unity. To use this passage as a theological basis for dialogues with heretics is a falsification of Scripture in the service of Ecumenism.

6. The complete absence of the word “heresy”

The text nowhere uses the term “heresy” or “heretic.” Instead, it speaks of “difficulties,” “deficiencies,” and “solidarity.” This is a suppression of theological reality: the non-Orthodox are not simply “other Christians” with “deficiencies,” but heretics, outside the Church, without Mysteries, without salvation. The avoidance of the term “heresy” is not “diplomacy” — it is a betrayal of the Orthodox tradition. The Church has always spoken of heresies with boldness. This silence constitutes an acceptance of the ecumenistic ecclesiology of the Second Vatican Council.

7. “Unanimous witness” as a pretext

The text speaks of the “unanimous witness of Orthodoxy to the glory of God.” This is internally incompatible with the remaining provisions: how can there be “unanimous witness” when the absence of a local Church is considered acceptable and the dialogue continues? The witness of Orthodoxy is witness to the truth, not “dialogue” for the discovery of common points with heretics. The phrase “to the glory of the God in Trinity” adds a hypocritical religious mantle to a process which, in its essence, constitutes the recognition of heresies as churches.

* * *

The text constitutes a classic example of post-patristic ecumenistic language. It is clothed in Orthodox ecclesiological terminology, but empties it of its content: it recognizes the heretics de facto as “Christians” and “Churches,” regards the truth as an object of negotiation and “common understanding,” downgrades the ecclesiological unity of Orthodoxy in the name of the continuation of dialogues, and abusively invokes the Holy Spirit and Scripture in order to justify positions incompatible with tradition.

Conclusion: The text does not express Orthodox ecclesiology, but the ecumenistic post-patristic ideology, which aims at the syncretistic union of every form of “Christianity” on the basis of the suppression of dogmatic differences. From an anti-ecumenist point of view, the text is utterly unacceptable and constitutes a betrayal of the Orthodox tradition.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/8-9.html

 

Paragraphs 10–11:

10. The problems that arise during the theological discussions of the Mixed Theological Commissions do not always constitute sufficient justification for the unilateral recall of its representatives or even for the definitive interruption of its participation by some local Orthodox Church. The withdrawal of any Church from the dialogue must, as a rule, be avoided, with the necessary inter-Orthodox efforts being made for the restoration of the representative completeness of the Orthodox Theological Commission in this dialogue.  If some local Church, or even certain other Orthodox Churches, refuse to participate in the assemblies of the Mixed Theological Commission of a particular dialogue, invoking serious ecclesiological, canonical, pastoral, or moral reasons, this Church or these Churches communicate their refusal in writing to the Ecumenical Patriarch and to all the Orthodox Churches, in accordance with what is in force in a Pan-Orthodox manner. During the Pan-Orthodox consultation, the Ecumenical Patriarch seeks the unanimous consent of the remaining Orthodox Churches concerning what must be done next, including the reevaluation of the course of the specific theological dialogue, insofar as this is unanimously judged necessary.

11. The methodology followed in the conduct of the theological dialogues aims both at the resolution of the handed-down theological differences or of any new differentiations, and at the search for the common elements of the Christian faith; and it presupposes the relevant informing of the pleroma of the Church concerning the various developments of the dialogues. In the event of inability to overcome some specific theological difference, the theological dialogue may continue, with the theological disagreement established on the specific matter being recorded and this disagreement being communicated to all the local Orthodox Churches concerning what must be done next.

 

COMMENTARY

1. The Lie of “Representative Completeness”

The text says that if an Orthodox Church wants to leave the dialogue, it must not do so on its own. It must wait for all the others to think about it. This is a trap. The phronema of Orthodoxy is not democratic. Truth is not voted on. A local Church that sees heresy does not need permission from the Ecumenical Patriarch, nor from a “Pan-Orthodox consultation,” in order to leave. The text turns the defense of the faith into a bureaucratic procedure. This is legalism, not ecclesiology. The Church is not a state with ministries. Refusal to participate in a heretical dialogue is a duty, not an offense that needs forgiveness from a center of authority.

2. The Announcement to the Ecumenical Patriarch as Submission

The text says that if a Church leaves, it must state this in writing to the Ecumenical Patriarch and to all the Churches. This shows who holds the keys. The Ecumenical Patriarch becomes the overseer of consciences. But the Patriarch of Constantinople is not a pope. He has no right of control over other local Churches. This text builds a structure of submission that does not exist in the canons. The reference “according to what is in force Pan-Orthodoxly” is a dead letter. Nothing in force Pan-Orthodoxly gives such a right. It is an invention of authority through a dialogue that is supposedly theological.

3. “Unanimous Consent” as the Hostage-Taking of Truth

The text says that the Patriarch will seek “unanimous consent” concerning what will happen next. This means that a Church that leaves because it sees heresy is trapped in endless waiting. Truth does not wait for a vote. If a Church determines that the dialogue has become the plaything of heresies, its duty is to leave immediately, not to wait until all the others agree. “Unanimous consent” is a weapon against conscience. It turns Orthodoxy into a parliament where the majority decides on the faith. This is Protestant, not Orthodox.

4. “Reevaluation of the Course” as Delay

The text says that a “reevaluation” of the dialogue may take place if everyone agrees. This is empty. Theological dialogues with the heterodox have lasted for decades. “Reevaluation” is a way for nothing to happen. For the dialogue to continue indefinitely while the truth is eroded. The text never says that the dialogue can be definitively stopped. It says only that it can be “reevaluated.” This means that the door always remains open, even when heresy has entered through it.

4. The Methodology that Conceals

The text says that the dialogue has as its goal the “resolution of theological differences” and the “search for common elements.” This is the problem. Orthodoxy does not search for “common elements” with heresy. It seeks the truth. The expression “resolution of differences” assumes that the differences are misunderstandings, not heresies. But the differences with the heterodox are not misunderstandings. They are deviations from the truth. To search for “common elements” with one who denies the truth means to downgrade the truth into compromise. This method is the method of the World Council of Churches, not of the Orthodox Church.

5. “Informing the Pleroma” as Propaganda

The text says that the pleroma of the Church must be informed about developments. But information without judgment is deception. The people of God are not an audience that simply needs “informing.” They are a body that judges. The text omits that the pleroma has the right to say “no.” The “informing” described is one-way, from top to bottom. It is not dialogue with the flock. It is management of public opinion.

6. The Recording of Disagreement as Disorientation

The text says that if there is an inability to overcome a theological difference, the dialogue continues normally; the disagreement is simply “recorded.” This is the worst part. It means that heresy is not rejected. It means that truth and falsehood sit at the same table as “different views.” Orthodoxy does not have “theological differences” with the heterodox. It has deviations from the truth. To record them and continue the coffee means that you do not believe there is one truth. It means that the confession of the faith has become negotiation.

7. The Announcement to the Churches as Avoidance of Responsibility

The text says that the disagreement is “announced” to all the Churches “concerning what must be done next.” This is another empty phrase. It does not say what happens afterward. It does not say that the disagreement stops the dialogue. It says only that it is “announced.” This procedure is a way to throw responsibility onto others. To say “you see, we said it” and to continue as though you had said nothing. It is bureaucratic cover for theological retreat.

8. Ecclesiological Emptiness

The text speaks of “serious ecclesiological, canonical, pastoral, or moral reasons” for withdrawal. But it does not define what “serious” means. It leaves the criterion vague so that everyone can interpret it however he wants. This is not legislation. It is a screen. The ecclesiology of Orthodoxy is clear: one Church, one faith, one baptism. When dialogue calls this into question, “reevaluation” is not needed. Interruption is needed. The text avoids saying this because it has already accepted the Protestant logic of the WCC.

Final Conclusion

This text is not Orthodox. It is translated language of the World Council of Churches with an ecclesiastical mantle. Its structure is a structure of authority: the Ecumenical Patriarch at the center, the Churches as members who vote, truth as a negotiable good. Orthodoxy does not function this way. Orthodoxy is the Body of Christ, not an organization. Truth is not the product of consent. The faith is not negotiation. This text, with the language of “continuation,” “reevaluation,” and “recording,” opens the door to syncretism and calls it “dialogue.” This is its greatest lie.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/10-11.html

 

Paragraphs 12–15:

12. It is self-evident that, in the conduct of the theological dialogues, the common goal of all is the final restoration of unity in the right faith and in love. Nevertheless, the existing theological and ecclesiological differences allow for a certain hierarchy with regard to the existing difficulties in the realization of the Pan-Orthodoxly established goal. The diversity of the problems of each bilateral dialogue presupposes a differentiation of the methodology to be observed in it, but not a differentiation of the goal, because the goal is one and the same in all the dialogues.

13. Nevertheless, it is necessary, in case of need, that an effort be undertaken to coordinate the work of the various Inter-Orthodox Theological Commissions, all the more insofar as the existing unity of the Orthodox Church must also be revealed and manifested in the sphere of these dialogues.

14. The completion of any officially proclaimed theological dialogue is accomplished through the completion of the work of the corresponding Mixed Theological Commission, at which time the President of the Inter-Orthodox Commission submits a report to the Ecumenical Patriarch, who, in agreement also with the Primates of the local Orthodox Churches, proclaims the end of the dialogue. No dialogue is considered completed before it has been proclaimed ended by such a Pan-Orthodox pronouncement.

15. The Pan-Orthodox decision, after the possible successful completion of the work of some theological dialogue, for the restoration of ecclesiastical communion must be based on the unanimity of all the local Orthodox Churches.

COMMENTARY

1. The Appearance of Unity as a False Pretense

The text speaks of the “final restoration of unity in the right faith and in love” as though this were something lacking and needing to be rebuilt. This is the first and greatest lie. The Orthodox Church has never lost her unity. The unity of the Church is not the result of dialogues and committees, but a gift of the Holy Spirit, preserved intact in the truth of the faith. Therefore, when the text says that the purpose of the dialogues is the “restoration” of unity, it is essentially admitting that these dialogues are not taking place within the already existing unity of Orthodoxy, but outside it. This means that the interlocutors are not members of the Church; therefore, the dialogue is not ecclesiastical, but a common course with heretics. The phrase “the common goal of all” is also misleading because it assumes that Orthodox and heretics have a common goal. But the goal of the heretic is the spread of his delusion, not return to the truth. Therefore, when the text speaks of a “common goal,” it equates light with darkness and presents heresy as a different version of the same thing.

2. A Hierarchy of Differences as an Acceptance of Heresy

The text says that the “existing theological and ecclesiological differences allow for a certain hierarchy.” This is unacceptable. Truth is not hierarchized. The faith is not a menu where you choose what is important and what is not. When it says that there are different problems in each bilateral dialogue and that these presuppose a “differentiation of methodology,” the text is essentially saying that the truth is adapted according to the interlocutor. This is not theology; it is diplomacy. And diplomacy has no place in the Church. The phrase “the goal is one and the same in all the dialogues” is even more dangerous, because it means that all the dialogues lead to the same result, that is, to union with everyone without exception. This means that there is no difference whether you are speaking with Roman Catholics, Protestants, or anyone else. All lead to the same end. This is an ecumenistic utopia that denies the essence of Orthodoxy as the only true Church.

3. Coordination as a Mechanism of Control

The text calls for an “effort to coordinate the work of the various Inter-Orthodox Theological Commissions.” This sounds innocent, but it is very dangerous. Coordination means that someone above the local Churches decides how they will move. But in the Orthodox Church there is no central authority. Each local Church is self-governing, and decisions are made in a synod, not by committees. The phrase “the existing unity of the Orthodox Church must also be revealed and manifested in the sphere of these dialogues” is misleading. The unity of the Church does not need to be “revealed” in dialogues with heretics. This phrase suggests that unity is something that must be proven outside the Church, as though her internal reality were not enough. It is as though the Church were saying, “come and let us show you that we are united.” This is shameful and denies the self-consciousness of the Church.

4. The End of the Dialogue as a Political Decision

The text says that the completion of the dialogue takes place when the President of the Inter-Orthodox Commission submits a report to the Ecumenical Patriarch and he, “in agreement also with the Primates,” proclaims its end. First, this shows that the dialogue is a political process, not an ecclesiastical one. Second, the phrase “no dialogue is considered completed before it has been proclaimed ended by such a Pan-Orthodox pronouncement” gives the impression that the Church needs official permission to stop speaking with heretics. This is backwards. The Church does not need permission to break off conversation with delusion. The fact that there is a procedure for ending the dialogue, but not for beginning it, shows that the system is made to keep the dialogues alive as long as possible. There is no provision whatsoever for when a dialogue may be interrupted if the heretic persists in his delusion. This means that the dialogues have no end except when union is achieved, that is, the submission of Orthodoxy.

5. The Pan-Orthodox Decision as Unanimity in Delusion

The text says that the decision for the restoration of ecclesiastical communion must “be based on the unanimity of all the local Orthodox Churches.” This is the most dangerous point. Unanimity is not a criterion of truth. Even if all the local Churches agree on something, if it is wrong, it remains wrong. Truth is not voted on. The Church is not a parliament. The phrase “restoration of ecclesiastical communion” presupposes that this communion has been interrupted. But the Orthodox Church never had ecclesiastical communion with heretics. Therefore, the text assumes that there was some point at which we were all together and then became separated. This is pseudo-historical. The heretics broke away from the Church; the Church did not drive them away. Therefore, “restoration” is not a return to the truth, but the acceptance of delusion as equivalent to the truth.

Overall Assessment

The text is clearly ecumenistic. It presents the theological dialogues as a self-evident and necessary process, without raising the question of whether they should even be taking place. It uses ecclesiastical language to legitimize a process that in essence weakens Orthodoxy. The unity proposed is not the unity of truth, but the unity of compromised silence. The “unanimity” it seeks is unanimity in the admission that truth is negotiable. This is the opposite of Orthodoxy. The Orthodox Church does not need dialogues in order to prove her unity, nor in order to “restore” something she has not lost. This text is a mechanism of control wearing the mantle of ecclesiasticality in order to lead the local Churches to a decision that has already been predetermined: union with the heretics without their prior return to the truth.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/12-15.html

 

Paragraphs 16–19:

16. One of the principal organs in the history of the Ecumenical Movement is the World Council of Churches (WCC). Certain Orthodox Churches were founding members, and subsequently all became members of it. The WCC is an organized inter-Christian body, despite the fact that it does not include all the heterodox Christian Churches and Confessions. At the same time, there are also other inter-Christian organizations and regional bodies, such as the Conference of European Churches (CEC), the Middle East Council of Churches (MECC), and the All Africa Conference of Churches. These, together with the WCC, have an important mission for the promotion of the unity of the Christian world. The Orthodox Churches of Georgia and Bulgaria withdrew from the World Council of Churches, the former in 1997 and the latter in 1998, as having their own opinion concerning the work of the World Council of Churches, and thus they do not participate in the activities carried out by it and by the other inter-Christian organizations.

17. The local Orthodox Churches that are members of the WCC participate fully and equally in the organization of the World Council of Churches and contribute by all the means at their disposal to the promotion of peaceful coexistence and cooperation on the major sociopolitical challenges. The Orthodox Church readily accepted the decision of the WCC to respond to her request concerning the establishment of a Special Commission for Orthodox participation in the WCC, in accordance with the mandate of the Inter-Orthodox Meeting of Thessaloniki (1998). The criteria established by the Special Commission, which were proposed by the Orthodox and accepted by the WCC, led to the establishment of the Permanent Committee on Cooperation and Consensus, and were also ratified and incorporated into the Constitution and Rules of Procedure of the WCC.

18. The Orthodox Church, faithful to her ecclesiology, to the identity of her internal structure, and to the teaching of the ancient Church of the seven Ecumenical Councils, by participating in the organization of the WCC, in no way accepts the idea of the “equality of Confessions” and in no way can accept the unity of the Church as some inter-confessional adjustment. In this spirit, the unity sought in the WCC cannot be the product only of theological agreements, but also of the unity of the faith preserved in the Mysteries and lived in the Orthodox Church.

19. The Orthodox member Churches consider as an indispensable condition of participation in the WCC the basis article of its Constitution, according to which its members may be those who believe in the Lord Jesus Christ as God and Savior according to the Scriptures and confess, according to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, the Triune God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. They also have the deep conviction that the ecclesiological presuppositions of the Toronto Statement (1950), entitled “The Church, the Churches and the World Council of Churches,” are of capital importance for Orthodox participation in the Council. Therefore, it is self-evident that the WCC is not, and in no case is it permitted to become, a super-Church. “The purpose of the World Council of Churches is not to negotiate unions between Churches, which can be done only by the Churches acting on their own initiative, but to bring the Churches into living contact with one another and to promote the study and discussion of the questions of Christian unity. No Church is obliged to change its ecclesiology upon entering the Council [...] Nevertheless, the fact of its membership in the Council does not imply that each Church must regard the others as Churches in the true and full sense of the term” (Toronto Statement, § 2, 3.3, 4.4).

 

COMMENTARY

1. Participation in the WCC is the Self-Abolition of Orthodoxy

The text claims that the Orthodox “participate fully and equally” in the WCC. This is an open betrayal of Orthodoxy. The WCC is an organization that regards all “confessions” (Protestantism, Anglicanism, Catholicism) as “churches” — while the Orthodox Church is the ONLY TRUE CHURCH. “Equality” with heretics means that we accept that they too have grace, mysteries, salvation — something that is heretical and reprehensible.

2. The “Toronto Statement”

The text invokes the Toronto Statement (1950) as being “of capital importance.” But this Statement is the foundation of the ecumenistic heresy!

More in a previous post: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/05/1950.html

[English translation: https://orthodoxmiscellany.blogspot.com/2026/06/a-popular-presentation-of-toronto.html]

 

3. The “Special Commission” and Submission

The text boasts that the Orthodox Church “readily accepted” the decision of the WCC concerning a Special Commission. This shows complete submission to the heretics. Why does the Orthodox Church need the “permission” of the WCC in order to participate? Why does she not withdraw entirely, as Georgia and Bulgaria did (1997–1998), which were the only enlightened Churches?

4. The Illusion of “Peaceful Coexistence”

The text speaks of the “promotion of peaceful coexistence.” This is an antichristian goal. Christ said: “I came not to send peace, but a sword” (Matt. 10:34). “Peace” with heretics is the peace of death. Saint John Chrysostom, Saint Mark of Ephesus, and all the Holy Fathers fought the heresies unto death — they did not “peacefully coexist.”

5. The “Permanent Committee on Cooperation” = Confusion of the Truth

The incorporation of the “criteria” into the Constitution of the WCC is not a “success” — it is a defeat. The WCC continues to regard itself as an “organized inter-Christian body,” that is, a super-Church, despite the denials of the text. The Orthodox who remain there participate in common prayers, common divine liturgies, common conferences — things which the Canons of the Holy Councils (Apostolic Canons, Canons of the First Ecumenical Council) strictly forbid.

6. The Reference to the Canons as a Cover

The text mentions “the teaching of the ancient Church of the seven Ecumenical Councils.” But the Ecumenical Councils condemned the heretics and excommunicated them — they did not make them “partners”! Saint Gregory the Theologian said: “The truth never fraternizes with delusion.” This text does exactly the opposite: it fraternizes with delusion.

7. The Hypocrisy Concerning “Not a Super-Church”

The text says that “the WCC is not, and in no case is it permitted to become, a super-Church.” But in practice, the WCC is a super-Church! It issues common statements, organizes common worship services, imposes “common witness.” The Orthodox who participate are compelled to keep silent about the heresies of the other “members” — this is a betrayal of Confession.

8. The Absence of the Essence: Repentance and Return

The text says NOWHERE that the heretics must return to Orthodoxy! The Holy Fathers never spoke of “cooperation” with heretics — they spoke of repentance, return, baptism. Saint Basil the Great, in Canon 1, says that heretics return through Chrismation or Baptism. The WCC denies this necessity — therefore the Orthodox who remain there also deny it.

Overall Assessment

This text is a classic example of ecumenistic rhetoric that uses Orthodox terms (“Ecumenical Councils,” “ecclesiology,” “unity of the faith”) to cover the essential submission of Orthodoxy to a syncretistic organization.

The only Orthodox Churches that upheld Orthodoxy were those of Georgia and Bulgaria, which withdrew. The rest, with this text, confirm their remaining in the ecumenistic mire, playing the game of the heretics under the pretext of “dialogue” and “cooperation.”

Orthodoxy does not need “dialogue” with heretics — it needs Confession of the Truth. And the Truth is one: “One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church” — the Orthodox Church. Everything else is delusion and heresy.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/16-19.html

 

Paragraphs 20–24:

20. The prospects of the theological dialogues of the Orthodox Church with the rest of the Christian world are always determined on the basis of the principles of Orthodox ecclesiology and the canonical criteria of the already formed ecclesiastical tradition.

21. The Orthodox Church desires the strengthening of the work of the Commission “Faith and Order” and follows with particular interest its theological contribution up to the present. She positively values the theological texts issued by it, with the important cooperation also of Orthodox theologians, which constitute a noteworthy step in the Ecumenical Movement for the rapprochement of Christians. Nevertheless, the Orthodox Church maintains reservations concerning fundamental issues of faith and order, because the non-Orthodox Churches and Confessions have deviated from the true faith of the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church.

22. The Orthodox Church considers condemnable every disruption of the unity of the Church by individuals or groups, on the pretext of preserving or supposedly defending genuine Orthodoxy. As the whole life of the Orthodox Church bears witness, the preservation of the genuine Orthodox faith is secured only through the synodal system, which has always constituted in the Church the highest authority on matters of faith and canonical provisions (Canon 6 of the Second Ecumenical Council).

23. The Orthodox Church has a common consciousness concerning the necessity of inter-Christian theological dialogue, and therefore judges it necessary that this always be accompanied by witness in the world through acts of mutual understanding and love, which express the “joy unspeakable” of the Gospel (1 Pet. 1:8), excluding every act of proselytism, Uniatism, or other provocative action of confessional competition. In this spirit, the Orthodox Church considers it important that all Christians, inspired by the common fundamental principles of the Gospel, strive to give to the thorny problems of the contemporary world a wholehearted and mutually supportive response, based on the model of the new man in Christ.

24. The Orthodox Church is conscious of the fact that the movement toward the restoration of the unity of Christians is taking new forms, in order to respond to the new conditions and to confront the new challenges of the contemporary world. The continuation of the witness of the Orthodox Church to the divided Christian world is necessary, on the basis of her apostolic tradition and faith.

We pray that Christians may work together, so that the day may draw near when the Lord will fulfill the hope of the Orthodox Churches and “there shall be one flock, one shepherd” (John 10:16).

 

1. The hypocrisy of “reservation”

The text says that it has “reservations” concerning matters of faith, but at the same time it praises the texts of the “Faith and Order” commission. This is contradictory: either the commission is Orthodox and there is no need for reservations, or it is not, and then it must be condemned, not praised. The phrase “a noteworthy step in the Ecumenical Movement” shows that the text has already adopted the ecumenistic logic. “Noteworthy” is simply a euphemism used to legitimize dialogue with heretics.

2. Synodal authority as a pretext

It invokes Canon 6 of the Second Ecumenical Council concerning synodal authority, but passes over its essence in silence: the canon speaks of confronting heresies with decisiveness, not of “dialogue” and “mutual understanding.” The falsification of the spirit of the canon is characteristic of Ecumenism: it uses Orthodox terminology to cover anti-traditional action.

3. The embellished unity

“The movement toward the restoration of the unity of Christians is taking new forms” — this phrase is an open confession of syncretism. The unity of the Church is not a “movement” or a “new form,” but the existential reality of the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church. The talk of “new conditions” and “new challenges” is a theological alteration: the Gospel does not change in order to adapt to conditions, but transforms the conditions.

4. The condemnation of the “schism-makers” is directed against the Orthodox

The paragraph that condemns “every disruption of unity... on the pretext of preserving genuine Orthodoxy” is aimed directly at the Orthodox resistance which rejects Ecumenism. The text equates resistance to heresy with disruption, which is a complete overturning of the patristic tradition. The Saints were “schism-makers” according to this logic: Saint Maximus the Confessor was repudiated by the compromisers, Saint Gregory Palamas was persecuted by the “unionists.”

5. The “joy unspeakable” as an alibi for tolerance

The paraphrase of 1 Pet. 1:8 in the context of Ecumenism is blasphemy. The joy of the Gospel presupposes the confession of the truth, not coexistence with delusion. The expression “excluding every act of proselytism” is an open compromise: the Church does not “proselytize,” but enlightens and saves. The prohibition of “confessional competition” means silence in the face of heresy, that is, denial of martyrdom.

6. The expectation of the “one flock” as self-delusion

The reference to John 10:16 at the end is a theologically dangerous form of coercion. The Lord spoke of unity within His Church, not of the union of various “Christian worlds.” The expectation that unity will come by “working together” with heretics is Pelagianism: as though unity depended on human will and not on repentance and return to the Orthodox faith.

Conclusion

The text, clothed in the garments of Orthodox ecclesiology, undermines its essence. The language of “reservation,” “dialogue,” “mutual understanding,” and “new forms” is the language of Pan-religious Syncretism, not of the Orthodox Tradition. True unity is achieved only through the confession of the truth and the renunciation of every delusion, not through the diplomatic co-signing of documents with heretics.

“Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers: for what fellowship hath righteousness with lawlessness? and what communion hath light with darkness?” (2 Cor. 6:14)

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/20-24.html

 

Overall Theological Consideration

The entire [Cretan Synodal] text is found here: https://www.holycouncil.org/rest-of-christian-world_el

 

1. The Essence of the Text: Ecumenism with an Orthodox Mask

This text, coming from the Holy and Great Synod of Crete (2016), constitutes the most dangerous document of contemporary Orthodoxy, because it presents Ecumenism as “Orthodox tradition,” while in reality it constitutes complete apostasy from apostolic and patristic teaching.

2. The Fundamental Heresy: The “Church” as an Indefinite Whole

The Betrayal of the “One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic”

The text declares that the Orthodox Church is “the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church,” but immediately afterward opens the door to heresy:

“The Orthodox Church... participation in the movement toward the restoration of unity with other Christians in the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church”

The hard truth: If the Orthodox Church is truly the One Church, then the “other Christians” are not within her. Union with heretics is not “restoration of unity,” but contamination of the Church. The text uses the term “other Christians” for heretics — this is a verbal embellishment of heresy.

3. The Falsification of Ecclesiology

The Dogma of the BRANCH THEORY with an Orthodox Covering

The text accepts:

“the historical name of other heterodox Christian Churches and Confessions that are not in communion with her”

Condemnation: The acceptance of the “historical name” of heretical groups as “Churches” is a complete betrayal of Canon 15 of the First-Second Council. The Fathers did not accept the heretics as “Churches,” not even with a “historical name.” Athanasius the Great, Saint Cyprian, Saint John Chrysostom — all of them called the heretics “aliens,” “strangers,” “enemies of the Church.”

The Orthodox Church does not have “relations” with heretics. She has only condemnation of their delusion and a call to repentance.

4. The Blasphemy of “Sacramental Communion”

The Spirit of Antichrist

“they express the unanimous decision... so that the unanimous witness of Orthodoxy may not be hindered”

The revelation: The text speaks of “theological dialogues” with heretics as a normal practice. But the Holy Fathers did not “dialogue” with heretics — they condemned them. The Council of Nicaea did not “dialogue” with Arius. It condemned him. The Council of Ephesus did not “dialogue” with Nestorius. It deposed him.

The idea that Orthodoxy must “continue the dialogue” even when local Churches withdraw for “serious ecclesiological reasons” is a mockery of the synodal tradition. If a local Church withdraws because of heresy, the “continuation of the dialogue” means that heresy is considered negotiable.

5. The World Council of Churches: Super-Church of Antichrist

The Silent Acceptance of Pan-Religion

“The WCC is an organized inter-Christian body”

The hard judgment: The WCC is an organization that levels truth with falsehood. It includes Protestants who deny the Mysteries, Papists who have added the “Filioque” and proclaim themselves “sinless,” Anglicans who bless the sin of homosexuality.

The text says that the WCC “does not include all the heterodox Christian Churches” — as though this were a problem! As though Orthodoxy ought to include even more heretics!

The reference to the “Toronto Statement” (1950) as being “of capital importance” is the official adoption of the HERETICAL BRANCH THEORY: the WCC is not a Church, but its “members” are “Churches.” This means that heresy is a “Church” — blasphemy against the Holy Spirit.

6. The “Special Commission”: Organized Betrayal

“The Orthodox Church readily accepted the decision of the WCC to respond to her request concerning the establishment of a Special Commission”

The analysis: The “Special Commission” is not a protection of Orthodoxy. It is a mechanism for incorporating Orthodoxy into the ecumenistic system. The Orthodox Church does not need a “special commission” in order to participate in an organization of heretics. She needs withdrawal and condemnation.

7. The Hypocrisy Concerning “Mysteries”

The Right of the Heretics

“the unity which is sought... cannot be the product only of theological agreements, but also of the unity preserved in the Mysteries...”

The revelation: This phrase is double language. On the one hand, “we do not accept the equality of confessions”; on the other, “we seek unity.” But unity without “equality of confessions” is impossible in the WCC. The WCC operates on the principle that all are “brothers” — therefore Orthodoxy either accepts equality or is hypocritical.

The reference to the “mysteries” of the heretics as a possible locus of unity is heretical. Heretics do not have mysteries. Saint Nicholas Cabasilas, Saint Symeon the New Theologian, all the Fathers teach that outside the Orthodox Church there is no Grace, there is no mystery, there is no salvation.

8. The Condemnation of the Anti-Ecumenists: Pharisaism

The Protection of the Betrayers

“The Orthodox Church considers condemnable every disruption of unity... by individuals or groups, on the pretext of preserving or supposedly defending genuine Orthodoxy”

The hard truth: This is a condemnation of the Saints and Martyrs of Orthodoxy. Were the Holy Martyrs who refused union with heretics “individuals and groups” who “disrupted unity”? Was Saint Mark of Ephesus a “divider”? Were the New Martyrs of the Ottoman period, who preferred death to union with the Papists, acting “on a pretext”?

The phrase “supposedly defending” is mockery. It implies that those who resist Ecumenism do so “hypocritically.” This is a tactic of Antichrist: to present the guardians of the truth as “Pharisees.”

9. The “Synodal System” as a Weapon against Orthodoxy

“the preservation of the genuine Orthodox faith is secured only through the synodal system”

The revelation: This is synodal absolutism. The text says that only Synods can judge — but the Synod of Crete itself is the problem. If a Synod betrays the faith, do the faithful not have the right of resistance? Saint Maximus the Confessor resisted all the Synods that supported Monothelitism. Was he a “divider”?

10. The Final Lie: The “One Flock” as an Ecumenistic Slogan

“the Lord will fulfill the hope... ‘there shall be one flock, one shepherd’”

The condemnation: The use of John 10:16 for Ecumenism is blasphemy. Christ said “one flock, one shepherd” concerning His Church — the Orthodox Church. Union with heretics is not “one flock.” It is the confusion of sheep with wolves.

The Text as Heresy

The text under examination cannot be characterized as an “Orthodox document.” On the contrary, it constitutes the manifesto of an attempt to incorporate Orthodoxy into a global syncretistic religious structure. Each word of it functions as spiritual poison that alters dogma, while each sentence of it constitutes a step toward retreat before Papism, Protestantism, and, in the end, religious syncretism.

The fundamental opposition between Patristic teaching and the content of the text is reflected in the following table:

 

 

Final Position:

Given the deviation from apostolic and patristic tradition, the only correct stance toward the text in question is its complete rejection, its condemnation as heretical, and unwavering adherence to the teaching of the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES

1. Critical and Anti-Ecumenist Works

The following works constitute the basis of the critique of the texts of the Synod, focusing mainly on “ecclesiological identity” and the “Branch Theory”:

• Protopresbyter Theodore Zisis: “The Holy and Great Synod of Crete: A First Critical Approach.” This constitutes the most complete work of critique, in which the official texts are analyzed on the basis of the Patristic Tradition.

• Protopresbyter Anastasios Gotsopoulos: “The Recognition of the ‘Churches’ of the Heretics by the Holy and Great Synod.” A specialized study on the term “Church” as it was used in the texts of Crete.

• Metropolitan Hierotheos (Vlachos) of Nafpaktos and Agios Vlasios: “The Holy and Great Synod — A Brief Commentary on the Texts.” Although his style is different, he offers important observations on the theological ambiguities.

• Collective Volume: “After the Holy and Great Synod — What Comes Next?” It includes texts by various theologians and clergymen expressing concerns about the results of the Synod.

2. Scholarly and Periodical Writings (Critical Consideration)

• The journal “Theodromia”: In almost all issues after 2016 there are well-documented articles examining the texts of the Synod (“Relations of the Orthodox Church with the Rest of the Christian World”) in light of the Sacred Canons.

• The newspaper “Orthodoxos Typos”: Archive of articles (2016–present), where the reaction of Athonite monasteries and clergymen is recorded, as well as the critique of the terminology.

3. Sources for Comparison (Official Texts)

In order to substantiate your critique, it is necessary to cite the primary documents of the Synod themselves:

• “Relations of the Orthodox Church with the Rest of the Christian World”: The key text. The critique focuses mainly on points 6, 16, 17, and 20, where reference is made to the term “Church” for the heterodox confessions.

• “The Mission of the Orthodox Church in the Contemporary World”: A text that also received criticism for an “anthropocentric” approach to social issues.

4. Archive of Interventions

• Holy Community of Mount Athos: “Concerning the Holy and Great Synod.” The letters and memoranda of the Holy Community to the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece constitute official documentary texts for the history of the critique of the Synod.

Greek source: https://fdathanasiou-parakatathiki.blogspot.com/2026/06/blog-post_23.html

The Subtle Effects and Sad Consequences of Ecumenism and Modernism on Orthodox Worship and Liturgical Piety

by Archbishop [Metropolitan] Chrysostomos of Etna     I constantly emphasize to people that we are not, like some hapless religious ...