The Church, as the body of Christ, possesses a given, indivisible, and unchanging life, which, as a timeless tradition, is transmitted unchanged through the flow of conventional historical time. This reality constitutes for the faithful a participatory and truth-bearing life, which dynamically leads them toward the prospect of charismatic adoption and endless assimilation to the prototype of their original creation. In this perspective, man regains the lost, prelapsarian integrity of human nature, which is expressed as the natural functioning of all God-given inherent powers, and, consequently, as a transcendence of postlapsarian divisions.
The interpretation of
ecclesiastical life through philosophical hermeneutical presuppositions gives
rise, throughout time, to heretical notions, whose main characteristics are the
fragmentation of its catholicity, discontinuity, and clear differentiation from
the continuity of the living ecclesiastical tradition. [750] The criterion of
authenticity for the faith being expressed is its complete identification with
the timeless ecclesiastical tradition, as this was crystallized in the
patristic literature and in the acts of the Ecumenical Councils.
One such case of heretical
hermeneutics of the life of the Church was iconoclasm. Initially, this issue of
the veneration of icons arose as a personal interpretation on the part of
Emperor Leo III the Isaurian. It was the emperor’s personal “orthodoxy,” which
the ecclesiastical body was “obliged” to adopt as well. Iconoclasm, from its
very inception and from the first iconoclastic initiatives of Emperor Leo III
the Isaurian, was perceived by the Church as an external, violent intervention
of the state in a matter of faith that concerned the Church exclusively, and
for this reason, it was not accepted. The defense of the iconoclastic movement
took on a more aggressive character, especially during the reign of his son and
successor to the imperial throne, Constantine V. Seeing the non-acceptance of
iconoclasm by a large portion of the empire, Constantine sought to clothe the
entire movement in theological justification and synodal legitimacy. Prior to
this, and especially through the pen of Presbyter [St.] John of Damascus, three
apologetic discourses had been written in defense of the icons, in which the
entire theology of depiction was presented, based on the firm foundation of
Chalcedonian Christology. Given the existence of solid argumentation on the
Orthodox side, Constantine attempted to support iconoclasm theologically by
proposing a different kind of Christology, whose main feature was the
universally indescribable nature of Christ. Through various misinterpretations
and distortions of texts, an effort was made to ascribe the property of
indescribability also to Christ’s human nature, in violation of the attributes
of created reality. This Christological divergence, which would justify the
inability to depict Christ, was also expressed synodally at the iconoclastic
council of Hieria in 754. The other patriarchates had from the beginning
rejected the iconoclastic movement and severed ecclesiastical communion with
the Patriarchate of Constantinople. This created, as a result, a problematic
ecclesiastical situation marked by division and intense persecution of
iconophile Orthodox. The monks, as the foremost defenders of the icons, bore
the full severity of imperial policy, which of course aimed at the domination
of iconoclasm.
The circumstances change
drastically, however, when power inevitably passes into the hands of the
iconophile Empress Irene of Athens, who served as regent for her underage son
after the death of her husband, Leo IV. Tarasios, also an iconophile, a man of
deep theological education and many innate abilities, is elected and ordained
as Patriarch. The demand of the times was the overturning of the iconoclastic
decisions and the restoration of peaceful relations among the Churches. The
Seventh Ecumenical Council of 787 worked toward this goal with theological
seriousness and on the basis of the living ecclesiastical tradition.
The Seventh Ecumenical Council,
analyzing the criteria and theological presuppositions of the iconoclasts,
observes that in the iconoclastic formulations, ancient heresies are revived
with a strong Manichaean underpinning. The identification of nature and
hypostasis on the part of the iconoclasts resulted in a consequent confusion
between image and idol. Within this framework, the iconoclasts are noted to
align simultaneously with two opposing Christologies: the Severian and the
Nestorian. Under this philosophical regime, it would certainly never be
possible to make any further distinction between natural and artificial image.
The natural image refers to the
consubstantial relationship between prototype and image, with the simultaneous
distinction of hypostases. On the other hand, the artificial image, while
expressing the relationship between prototype and image, is based on the
hypostatic identity of the two, with the simultaneous otherness of their
natures. The iconoclasts, having dualism as a given in their theological
reasoning, refused to accept the charismatic presence of the prototype in its
iconographic depiction. Matter was considered by them as inherently
dishonorable in creation and incapable of being energetically connected with
the good Triune God. Under these presuppositions, they regarded the depiction
of Christ and His saints as blasphemous and contrary to tradition, and
consequently viewed any veneration of their images as idolatrous. Relying on
the Lord’s words from the Mystical Supper, they expressed the opinion that the
only true and divinely-instituted image of the Body of Christ was the
Eucharistic bread, which they called a “designated body” (θέσει σώμα).
This view, however, nullifies the hypostatic and real presence of Christ in the
celebration of the Divine Eucharist, given that a designated body cannot at the
same time be a natural body. Additionally, they did not refer to an image of
Christ, but to an image of the body of Christ.
The Seventh Ecumenical Council,
by thoroughly refuting the iconoclastic definition of the Council of Hieria,
established iconoclasm as a clear Christological heresy, numbering the
iconoclasts alongside the known heresiarchs of the past, having as their common
denominator the nullification of the consequences of the incarnate Economy of
the Word. The consistent outcome of all heresies is the nullification of
soteriology and its replacement with vague formulations.
According to the texts of the
acts of the Council as well as the broader body of polemical literature that
developed, it becomes clear that the issue of iconoclasm was a purely dogmatic
problem, which did not concern the Church externally, but altered from within
and from the foundations the entire ecclesiastical structure. On this basis,
views which regard iconoclasm as an expression of a “liturgical and not
dogmatic problem” [751] are rather personal opinions, which find no
confirmation in the existing sources.
During the course of the Council,
the bishops’ responsible teaching role was formulated and emphatically
underscored, expressed through the unity of institution and charisma in
episcopal authority. Without exception, the emergence of schismatic or heretical
dimensions presupposes the prior rupture of this higher unifying bond. In the
case of the iconoclastic heresy, this bond was clearly broken, and for that
reason, novel teachings arose that opposed both the letter and the spirit of
the timeless ecclesiastical tradition, presenting another Christ, another
Church, and another soteriology. The Council, above all, healed these
problematic and corrosive conditions, accepting the repentance of those bishops
who wished to return to the mindset and life of the Catholic Church, while at
the same time, in view of the faith being injured by heresy, it articulated
“what the mindset (φρόνημα) of the Catholic Church truly is.” [752] On
this basis, the ecclesiological framework and the conditions for the
non-reordination of heretics are clarified.
The acceptance of the repentance
of the former iconoclast bishops and their restoration to their episcopal
thrones without reordination took place under clear conditions and within a
specific ecclesiological framework. The acceptance of their return concerns
eleven (11) cases of former iconoclast bishops, all of whom, without exception,
had been ordained as bishops of the Catholic Church. A decisive role in the
interpretation and understanding of the manner of their acceptance is played by
the prior understanding of the term “heretic”, by which the iconoclasts
are characterized. It must be emphasized that the case of the iconoclasts
concerns bishops who had not been synodally condemned, and for that reason no
discussion whatsoever took place on the basis of valid or invalid mysteries.
The mysteries are considered undoubtedly valid, since they were celebrated
within the bosom of the Catholic Church. In this context, the performance of
reordination would have been inconceivable, as it would undermine the indelible
character of their existing episcopal ordination and would imply, in a sense,
an “addition of grace,” something ecclesiologically untenable. The
iconoclastic, novel theological positions had separated them from the mindset
and communion of the Catholic Church, and for this reason the Council,
referring to these cases, notes that “the hierarchs have become heresiarchs.” [753]
Any insistence on the iconoclastic framework after the convening of the Seventh
Ecumenical Council—which would express the Church’s faith with every possible
clarity—would be interpreted as their voluntary severance from the body of the
Church and as their definitive deposition from the episcopal office. Their
repentance was accepted, and their subsequent episcopal restoration took place
under the aforementioned clear ecclesiological conditions.
In conclusion, the Seventh
Ecumenical Council—aligned with, following, and numbered among the preceding
six Ecumenical Councils—received, by economia, the repentant former
iconoclast bishops, in the manner the Church has always acted. Possessing a
clear ecclesiological framework and regarding the canonical and charismatic
boundaries of the Church as identical, it restored to the episcopacy bishops who,
being synodally uncondemned, remained within those boundaries and bore
episcopacy from ordination performed within the Church. It is clear that this
process cannot be applied to ordinations performed outside the bounds of the
Catholic Church, in known heretical communities. In such cases, there are no
Mysteries, and no priesthood that partakes of the High Priesthood of Christ. In
these circumstances, the twofold meaning of the term heretic is confused
and not clarified, resulting in confusion and the drawing of erroneous
conclusions. The acceptance of such ordinations represents the exact reverse
course from that of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, by which the practice of
non-reordination—when judged as a settled norm—would imply the equalization of
the Mysteries of the Church with the various rites of the heterodox
communities. In this view, the boundaries of the Church’s faith are completely
dissolved, and no distinction can be made between Orthodoxy and heresy. Outwardly,
it appears as though space is being granted within the Church for heretical
notions to enter unconditionally, coexisting as accepted differences alongside
Orthodoxy. However, within this framework, peace cannot be achieved, but rather
the deepening of division.
The Seventh Ecumenical Council
brought peace to the prevailing situation on the basis of the unity of the
faith and the continuous tradition: "And indeed, having followed the
apostolic and patristic traditions—we dare to say, having come to agreement by
the harmony of the All-Holy Spirit—and all of us having been brought into
concord with one another, holding in common the tradition of the Catholic
Church, we have come into agreement with the definitions laid down by the six
holy Ecumenical Councils, […] in order that, shaking off the division of the
Churches, we might draw what was separated toward unity, and tear apart and
rend the ragged and tangled garment—woven of thorny threads—namely, the false
teaching, and broaden the robe of Orthodoxy." [754]
FOOTNOTES
750. See Nikolaos R. Xionis, On the Holy Spirit, that He
is also God and from God by nature, p. 14: "…an essential and
necessary presupposition for the understanding of dogma is the experience of
the revealed God within the Church. This means that the approach to the mystery
of the revelation of the Triune God becomes possible not through speculative and
dialectical philosophical thought, which clearly has a subjective character and
is subject to doubt and questioning of the data of historical-sensible reality,
but through divine grace and the illumination of the intellect by the Holy
Spirit…"
751. See Eleni Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, Why Byzantium,
publ. Ellinika Grammata, Athens 20095, p. 165: Eleni Glykatzi-Ahrweiler
expresses the opinion that the Council of Constantinople of 680/681 constitutes
"the last truly Ecumenical Council." Continuing her reasoning, she
notes: "The attentive reader will have noticed that I do not even mention
the Seventh Ecumenical Council of Nicaea (787), which dealt with the iconoclast
controversy, and this is because I consider the iconoclastic dispute as an
expression of a liturgical and not a doctrinal problem. I would even dare to
say that iconoclasm is, as I have written elsewhere, the ecclesiastical form of
cultural, as well as socio-economic differences and trends of the opposing
groups, which due to their historical traditions had a different stance on the
issue of the depiction of the divine; I mean here that the eastern provinces
had, unlike Italy, Greece, and the islands, predominantly aniconic tendencies.
And this is because their populations were more influenced by Jewish, and even
Islamic, elements, and not, as in the case of the European territory of
Byzantium, by the classical Greco-Roman devotional models of depicting the
divine." See also ibid., p. 169: "This brief overview of the
Christological controversy, which culminated in the formulation of the dogma,
leaves one question unanswered: why is the Feast of Orthodoxy in the official
Church identified with the restoration of the icons, that is, with the end of
iconoclasm? I have already emphasized and I repeat here that the controversy
over the icons had a liturgical and not a doctrinal character."
752. Act I, Lamberz I, p. 48.
753. LETTER OF TARASIUS AND THE COUNCIL TO THE EMPERORS,
Lamberz III, p. 860.
754 Ibid.
Source: Η αποδοχή των εικονομάχων επί τη βάσει της
εκκλησιολογίας της Ζ΄ Οικουμενικής Συνόδου [The Acceptance of the
Iconoclasts on the Basis of the Ecclesiology of the Seventh Ecumenical Council],
by Vasileios Touloumtsis, postgraduate thesis, Department of Theology, National
and Kapodistrian University of Athens, 2020, pp. 241-246.
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