Outline, summary, and ecclesiological analysis of the
original Greek Πρακτικὸν Συνεδριάσεως τῶν Παλαιοημερολογιτῶν Ἀρχιερέων (Minutes
of the Meeting of the Old Calendarist Hierarchs)

I. General
assessment
The collective resignation of
Metropolitans Chrysostomos of Florina and Bishops Christophoros of
Christianoupolis and Polykarpos of Diavleia must be understood against a longer
history of unsuccessful attempts to preserve Orthodox tradition, correct
rigorist tendencies within the Old Calendarist movement, and restore
ecclesiastical unity.
The document was adopted
unanimously on November 3, 1952, at Chrysostomos's residence in Athens.
Its importance is considerably
greater than a simple announcement of episcopal retirement.
The three hierarchs expressly
explain that they had undertaken leadership of the Old Calendarists in 1935 for
two interconnected reasons: to defend the traditional ecclesiastical calendar
and to correct the ecclesiastical excesses developing within the movement.
They further declare that their
objective was never to perpetuate a separate ecclesiastical organization
indefinitely, but to overcome the division through canonical order and the
eventual correction of the calendar innovation.
By November 1952, however, those
objectives appeared increasingly unattainable. The movement had suffered
internal fragmentation, the Keratea controversies had severely damaged its
public standing, and the official Church and State had pursued coercive measures
against Old Calendarist clergy and faithful.
The collective resignation
therefore marks the culmination of a prolonged crisis in the original
restorative ecclesiology of the Old Calendarist movement.
It is not merely evidence of
discouragement. It is a remarkable declaration by the entire remaining
Florinite episcopate that the independent episcopal administration they had
established was no longer serving the original objectives of their struggle.
Nevertheless, a crucial
distinction must be maintained: the document itself identifies continuing
persecution as the immediate reason for resignation. Its criticism of internal
radicalism explains the broader ecclesiastical problem, but the two should not
be conflated.
II. The seven
principal declarations
|
Section |
Argument of the bishops |
Ecclesiological significance |
|
First |
The ecclesiastical division originated in the unilateral
calendar innovation, not in the bishops' resistance |
Responsibility for the original rupture remains with the
innovators |
|
Second |
They entered the movement in 1935 both to defend tradition
and to restrain its ecclesiastical excesses |
Opposition to rigorism was part of their original mission |
|
Third |
Their aim was to bridge the division, not deepen it |
The Old Calendarist hierarchy was conceived as corrective
rather than permanently separatist |
|
Fourth |
The official hierarchy responded to conscientious
separation with persecution instead of persuasion |
Legitimate resistance cannot be suppressed through
ecclesiastical coercion |
|
Fifth |
The official Church exploited the Keratea scandals to
persecute people who had no communion with that establishment |
The Florinite movement must not be identified with the
Matthewite organization |
|
Sixth |
Successive governments improperly enforced the Church's
allegedly unconstitutional and uncanonical measures |
Civil authority had become an instrument of ecclesiastical
coercion |
|
Seventh |
Their continued episcopal leadership was being used as a
pretext for prolonging persecution |
Withdrawal from administration was intended to remove an
obstacle to peace |
These seven explanations
culminate in the bishops' decision to relinquish active pastoral administration
without renouncing either their episcopal dignity or their adherence to the
traditional calendar.
(https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eNcBBZXhKdEq88S0v5-FWf2zUcxsi-sY/view?usp=sharing)
III. The most
significant passages
1. Their original objective
included the correction of internal extremism
In the second declaration, the
bishops explain that they entered the calendar struggle eleven years after the
introduction of the reform partly:
ἵνα πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας
θέσωμεν ἓν τέρμα εἰς τὰς ἐκτροπὰς
That is, “in order, for the
benefit of the Church, to put an end to the excesses.”
They attribute those excesses to
the absence of leaders possessing adequate theological education and canonical
formation.
This is a particularly important
statement because it directly confirms what Chrysostomos had repeatedly
maintained in his correspondence with Germanos of the Cyclades in 1937.
The bishops did not enter the Old
Calendarist movement merely to provide episcopal leadership to an already
established and fully satisfactory ecclesiastical organization.
They considered part of its
existing religious practice and ecclesiastical understanding to require
correction.
This helps explain Chrysostomos's
sustained opposition to indiscriminate re-Chrismation, automatic declarations
of sacramental gracelessness, and the assumption that Old Calendarist clergy
could definitively judge the ecclesiastical status of all other Orthodox
hierarchs.
The resignation presents that
corrective responsibility as an original and fundamental component of episcopal
leadership.
2. Their mission was to bridge
the division
The third declaration states:
οὐχὶ ἵνα εὐρύνωμεν τὸ χάσμα τῆς
Ἐκκλησιαστικῆς διαιρέσεως ἀλλ᾿ ἵνα γεφυρώσωμεν αὐτό
“Not in order to widen the
breach of ecclesiastical division, but to bridge it.”
The bishops explain how this was
to be accomplished.
On one hand, they would restrain
the Old Calendarists within the bounds of canonical order, ecclesiastical
propriety, and legality.
On the other, they would provide
the hierarchy of the Church of Greece with an opportunity to reconsider the
calendar innovation.
The passage is significant
because it identifies two simultaneous objects of correction: the innovating
official hierarchy and the excesses of those resisting it.
For Chrysostomos and his
colleagues, neither side could be treated as beyond criticism simply because it
was associated with the formal ecclesiastical administration or with the
defense of tradition.
This also clarifies their
understanding of the independent Old Calendarist hierarchy.
They did not originally regard
its permanent institutional separation as an objective in itself. It was an
ecclesiastical response intended to preserve tradition and eventually
facilitate reconciliation.
3. The Keratea controversy was
not an internal Florinite scandal
The fifth declaration is
especially important in light of the subsequent history.
The bishops accuse the official
hierarchy of employing the controversies surrounding the Keratea monastery as a
pretext for persecuting the Florinite Old Calendarists.
They emphasize that they and
their followers had maintained no ecclesiastical relationship or communion with
that establishment since, according to the document, 1936.
The reference to 1936 needs
qualification, since the definitive division involving Matthew is ordinarily
dated to 1937. It may reflect an earlier deterioration in relations or an
imprecise retrospective date. [It reflects the year the lay “Greek Religious
Community of Genuine Orthodox Christians” withdrew support for the original
synod under Metropolitan Germanos, and was replaced by the “Pan-Hellenic
Religious National Orthodox Society.” The Religious Community ended up in the
Matthewite camp. – Blog Admin. note]
Nevertheless, the intended
distinction is unmistakable.
The bishops repudiated
responsibility for the conduct of the separate Matthewite establishment.
This is consistent with
Chrysostomos's final Encyclical of July 1954, which again distinguished his
movement from the Keratea establishment and refused to recognize the episcopal
standing claimed by Matthew's successors without competent Pan-Orthodox
adjudication.
(https://orthodoxmiscellany.blogspot.com/2025/01/final-encyclical-of-st-chrysostomos-new.html)
The important historical point is
that Chrysostomos remained opposed to the Matthewite establishment even
after the severe Encyclical of 1950.
Thus, the 1950 declaration cannot
reasonably be treated as proof that the earlier ecclesiological dispute had
been settled in Matthew's favor.
4. The resignation was an
attempt to end persecution, not an acknowledgment of ecclesiastical defeat
The seventh declaration deserves
especially careful attention.
The bishops state that the
persecution of Old Calendarists had become a source of scandal, discrediting
both the Church and the State.
They did not wish their continued
presence as episcopal leaders to give the authorities another pretext for
perpetuating these measures.
They therefore resolved:
παραιτούμεθα τοῦ λοιποῦ τῆς ἐνεργοῦ
ὑπηρεσίας καὶ τῆς Ποιμαντορικῆς κηδεμονίας ἐπὶ τοῦ ποιμνίου ἡμῶν
“We henceforth resign from
active service and from the pastoral care of our flock.”
They immediately qualify this:
οὐχὶ ὅμως καὶ τῆς Ἀρχιερωσύνης
καὶ τῆς πίστεως πρὸς τὴν παράδοσιν τοῦ Πατρίου Ἐκκλησιαστικοῦ ἡμερολογίου
“But not from the episcopate
or from fidelity to the tradition of the Patristic Ecclesiastical Calendar.”
They also direct their clergy to
cease commemorating them during Divine Services, since they have relinquished
pastoral authority over those following the traditional calendar.
The distinction is deliberate.
They relinquish episcopal
administration, not episcopal dignity. They withdraw from leadership, not from
their confession of faith.
Nor do they declare their
previous walling-off unlawful or offer to restore communion unconditionally
with the official hierarchy.
(https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eNcBBZXhKdEq88S0v5-FWf2zUcxsi-sY/view?usp=sharing)
IV. The
resignation viewed against the entire history of Chrysostomos's leadership
The document becomes considerably
more revealing when situated within the sequence of events between 1935 and
1955.
- 1935 — Assumption of episcopal leadership
Chrysostomos and his fellow
bishops undertake the defense of the traditional calendar while seeking to
restore canonical discipline within the movement.
- 1937 — Rupture with Matthew and Germanos of the
Cyclades
The conflict over potential
versus actual schism, the validity of Mysteries, and the repetition of
Chrismation develops into an organizational separation.
- 1938 — Proposed reconciliation with the official
Church
The remaining senior hierarchs
attempt to secure restoration of the traditional calendar through negotiations
and a future council. The proposal fails.
- 1948–1950 — Consolidation of the rival Matthewite
hierarchy and renewed attempts at reunion
Matthew undertakes episcopal
consecrations in 1948. After his death in May 1950, Chrysostomos issues the
severe Encyclical No. 13 while attempting to reunite the movement.
- 1951 — Further unsuccessful reconciliation
negotiations
Chrysostomos negotiates with
Archbishop Spyridon Vlachos amid severe persecution. Agreement is not achieved.
- November 1952 — Collective resignation
All three Florinite bishops
announce their withdrawal from pastoral administration, declaring that their
continued leadership has become a pretext for persecution.
- 1953 — Divergent paths of the bishops
Chrysostomos has withdrawn his
resignation and continues leading his flock. Christophoros and Polykarpos seek
restoration to the official Church and are received without repetition of their
episcopal consecrations.
- 1954 — Chrysostomos's final Encyclical
Chrysostomos again repudiates the
canonical claims of Matthew's successors, refuses to accept their episcopal
authority without conciliar judgment, and continues to distinguish his movement
from the Keratea establishment.
This chronology establishes a
pattern that cannot be reduced to a single disagreement about the validity of
New Calendarist Mysteries.
For almost twenty years,
Chrysostomos attempted to preserve the resistance movement while preventing its
transformation into a self-perpetuating ecclesiastical organization founded
upon exclusivist claims.
The 1952 resignation marks a
particularly severe crisis in that effort.
V. The influence
of rigorist ecclesiology within the Florinite movement
Before 1955: Chrysostomos's
struggle against rigorist tendencies
During Chrysostomos's lifetime,
the relevant problem was not simply the existence of the separate Matthewite
Synod.
He had already encountered
rigorist tendencies among monastics and clergy within the broader Old
Calendarist movement before the division of 1937.
His correspondence indicates that
he regarded these tendencies as canonically unsound and damaging to the
credibility of the struggle.
The 1952 resignation confirms
that the bishops understood their original mission as including the correction
of such excesses.
Their decision also reflects the
consequences of prolonged hostility between the Matthewite establishment and
the Florinite movement, especially after the Keratea scandals.
Nevertheless, the resignation
does not specifically identify former Matthewite clergy within the Florinite
ranks as responsible for the immediate crisis of 1952.
The strongest documentary
conclusion is that the bishops had become disillusioned with a movement
repeatedly unable to escape internal extremism, jurisdictional conflict, and
persecution.
After 1960: Transformation of
the restored Florinite hierarchy
A related but distinct process
occurred after Chrysostomos's death.
The restored Florinite hierarchy
included men who had previously belonged to, or been spiritually and
institutionally formed within, the Matthewite milieu.
Akakios Pappas, Auxentios Pastras,
Chrysostomos Kiousis, and Kallinikos Sarantopoulos all had significant
connections with that earlier ecclesiastical environment, although the nature
of those connections differed.
This does not establish that
every one of them consistently maintained Matthew's exact ecclesiology
throughout his episcopal ministry.
Nevertheless, it raises an
important question concerning the transformation of the movement's
ecclesiastical identity.
By the 1970s, the Florinite Synod
was formally reiterating the severe sacramental declarations of 1935 and 1950.
The 1974 Encyclical is
particularly significant in this respect.
The movement established under
Chrysostomos to resist innovation while restraining rigorist tendencies
subsequently came to adopt, at least in some of its authoritative declarations,
an ecclesiology closer to positions he had opposed.
This makes it essential to
distinguish institutional succession from doctrinal continuity.
The 1952 resignation did not
result from changes that occurred after 1960. But it helps explain the
ecclesiastical environment inherited by the later leadership and the
significance of the subsequent transformation.
VI. The 1954 final
Encyclical strengthens the interpretation of the resignation
The final Encyclical is important
because it prevents us from interpreting the resignation as Chrysostomos's
final abandonment of his earlier principles.
In 1952, the three bishops
collectively declared that they had sought to restrain excesses and bridge the
ecclesiastical division.
In 1954, after Chrysostomos had
resumed leadership, he continued to maintain that the Matthewite hierarchy
lacked proper canonical authorization.
He explicitly refused the
proposed union involving the recognition of Matthew's successors and the
formation of a larger twelve-member Synod.
His refusal rested partly upon
the irregularity of Matthew's unilateral episcopal consecrations and partly
upon the conduct and qualifications of those claiming episcopal authority.
He maintained that competent
Pan-Orthodox judgment was necessary for their recognition.
[See: https://orthodoxmiscellany.blogspot.com/2025/01/final-encyclical-of-st-chrysostomos-new.html]
This is especially relevant to
the 1950 Encyclical.
If Chrysostomos had genuinely
adopted the full Matthewite conception of ecclesiastical authority in 1950, his
continued insistence in 1954 upon the illegitimacy of the Matthewite episcopal
succession would require further explanation.
Of course, two questions must
remain distinct: whether Matthew's episcopal consecrations were canonical and
whether the New Calendarist Mysteries were graceless.
Opposition to Matthew's
consecrations does not logically prove that Chrysostomos rejected every element
of Matthew's sacramental ecclesiology.
Nevertheless, the 1954 Encyclical
establishes that the 1950 declaration had not produced a general
ecclesiological convergence between Chrysostomos and the Matthewite leadership.
His opposition to their
ecclesiastical claims continued to the end of his public ministry.
VII. The
ecclesiological implications of the collective resignation
1. The bishops did not
identify their particular jurisdiction with the whole Church
This is a major difference
between the ecclesiological assumptions reflected in the resignation and the
more exclusivist formulations characteristic of Matthewite polemics.
The bishops speak of the Church
of Greece as a continuing ecclesiastical institution whose hierarchy had
unlawfully innovated and persecuted the faithful.
They do not describe their
separate administration as having definitively supplanted the Autocephalous
Church of Greece.
Their objective remains
correction and reunion.
This does not establish that they
approved the official Church's ecclesiastical conduct or were already in
communion with its hierarchy.
Rather, it shows that they
distinguished the existence of the Church from the errors of its current
administration.
2. Episcopal authority was
understood as a responsibility, not an instrument for perpetuating separation
The bishops' willingness to
resign is especially noteworthy.
They apparently did not consider
their continued exercise of jurisdiction over a separate Old Calendarist body
to be an absolute ecclesiological necessity.
They could contemplate
relinquishing that responsibility while remaining Orthodox bishops faithful to
the traditional calendar.
But this also exposed a serious
practical contradiction.
If they relinquished pastoral
care and instructed their clergy to cease commemorating them, who would
exercise the necessary episcopal oversight of those clergy?
The resignation provides no
adequate solution.
This is arguably its greatest
canonical weakness.
The bishops' desire to remove a
pretext for persecution was understandable, but that did not automatically
release them from their pastoral obligations toward the faithful who depended
upon them.
3. The faithful exercised
decisive influence
Chrysostomos subsequently
withdrew his resignation.
Archbishop Christodoulos's
historical study records that on November 27, 1952, Chrysostomos reversed his
decision after pressure from lay representatives and the refusal of the
presbyterate and leadership of Π.Θ.Ε.Ο.Κ. to accept the resignation.
The need for a bishop who could
represent the Old Calendarists in negotiations with the incoming Papagos
government was also cited.
(https://myriobiblos.gr/books/book1/kef5_per3_fas2_meros4.htm)
The possibility that the faithful
might otherwise turn to the Matthewite episcopate provides additional context,
although it is not expressly identified as the reason in the resignation
itself.
Chrysostomos's reversal
illustrates the continued influence of the faithful in the movement's
ecclesiastical affairs.
His resignation was not simply an
individual decision that could be implemented without regard for those
entrusted to his care.
At the same time, the episode
reveals how dependent the movement had become upon its single remaining senior
hierarch.
4. The official Church's
reception of the other two bishops is revealing
Christophoros and Polykarpos
maintained their resignations and sought reconciliation with the official
Church.
On March 9 and 12, 1953, an
ecclesiastical tribunal restored them to episcopal standing without new
episcopal consecrations.
Archbishop Christodoulos records
that the official Church recognized their 1935 consecrations by economy,
notwithstanding its earlier declarations against Old Calendarist ordinations.
(https://myriobiblos.gr/books/book1/kef5_per3_fas2_meros4.htm)
This development is especially
interesting because both sides had previously issued very severe judgments
concerning the other's Mysteries.
Yet the official Church
ultimately received the two bishops without repeating their consecrations.
It illustrates the difficulty of
applying categorical assertions of gracelessness consistently to the practical
reconciliation of separated clergy.
It also reinforces the importance
of distinguishing sacramental questions from canonical recognition, deposition,
restoration, and ecclesiastical economy.
VIII. Critical
evaluation: what should be concluded?
The resignation supports several
propositions, but they require careful formulation.
|
Proposition |
Assessment |
|
The bishops considered the calendar innovation unlawful |
Explicitly established |
|
They originally entered the movement partly to correct
internal excesses |
Explicitly established |
|
They sought restoration of ecclesiastical unity rather
than permanent division |
Explicitly established |
|
They rejected responsibility for the Keratea establishment |
Explicitly established |
|
They wished to remove a pretext for continued persecution |
Explicitly established |
|
They no longer believed the traditional calendar worth
defending |
Explicitly contradicted |
|
They had accepted the Matthewite ecclesiology of automatic
gracelessness |
Not established |
|
Their resignation was caused exclusively by former Matthewite
clergy within the Florinite movement |
Not established |
|
They considered their separate administrative structure
indispensable to the continued existence of the Church |
Difficult to reconcile with the document |
|
The resignation definitively resolved the question of
sacramental grace in the official Church |
Not established |
The most important distinction is
between the bishops' stated original purpose, their immediate reason
for resigning, and the subsequent ecclesiological implications.
Their original purpose was to
defend tradition and correct excesses.
Their immediate reason for
resigning was to remove an alleged pretext for persecution.
The broader implication is that
their understanding of ecclesiastical resistance did not depend upon the
permanent perpetuation of an exclusive Old Calendarist hierarchy.
IX. Final
synthesis
The collective resignation of
November 3, 1952, should be understood as one of the clearest collective
testimonies to the original ecclesiological outlook of the Florinite Old
Calendarist leadership.
The three bishops reaffirmed that
they entered the struggle to defend the traditional calendar, correct
ecclesiastical excesses, and restore unity.
They continued to blame the
official hierarchy for the innovation and the subsequent persecution.
They also explicitly repudiated
responsibility for the excesses associated with Keratea.
Their willingness to relinquish
active pastoral administration demonstrates how profoundly they had become
discouraged by the failure to achieve a satisfactory ecclesiastical resolution.
Yet the resignation also exposes
the practical difficulty of their position: they could abandon their
jurisdictional responsibilities, but they could not thereby resolve the
canonical questions confronting the faithful.
Chrysostomos's subsequent
withdrawal of his resignation, together with his final Encyclical of 1954,
shows that he continued to regard himself as responsible for the pastoral
protection of those who had resisted the calendar innovation.
Most significantly, he did not
abandon his opposition to the ecclesiastical claims of Matthew's successors.
This provides an important
corrective to any historical account that treats the 1950 Encyclical as the
definitive expression of his entire ecclesiology.
His earlier correspondence, the
failed reconciliation attempts, the 1952 resignation, and the 1954 Encyclical
reveal a much more complicated but also more coherent underlying objective.
Chrysostomos sought to defend the
Orthodox Church against innovation without replacing its catholic and conciliar
understanding of ecclesiastical authority with the claims of an exclusive Old
Calendarist jurisdiction.
The later reception into the
Florinite hierarchy of clergy formed in the Matthewite movement, and the
subsequent emergence of stricter ecclesiological declarations, must therefore
be investigated as a distinct historical development rather than assumed to
represent an uncomplicated continuation of Chrysostomos's convictions.
The central historical irony
is that the episcopate established in 1935 partly to restrain rigorist
tendencies came, after Chrysostomos's death, to be led by hierarchs with
significant roots in the very movement whose ecclesiological claims he had
opposed.
The 1952 resignation is
particularly important because it records the original bishops' objectives in
their own collective words, shortly before that entire generation of leadership
disappeared.
It should therefore occupy a
central place in any serious historical evaluation of the ecclesiology of
Metropolitan Chrysostomos of Florina and its relationship to the subsequent
ecclesiology of the GOC.
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