Sunday, September 13, 2026

Papal Church: Note on the Expression “Sister Churches”

[The most harmful trait of Ecumenism is its lack of forthrightness. Below is the Roman Catholic Church’s true understanding of the ecumenical phrase “Sister Church.” Long story short, in the ecumenical context, it is meaningless to them. – Blog. Admin.]

 

 

Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith | June 30, 2000

A. LETTER TO THE PRESIDENTS OF THE CONFERENCES OF BISHOPS

 

Your Eminence (Your Excellency):

In recent years, the attention of this Congregation has been directed to problems arising from the use of the phrase “sister Churches,” an expression which appears in important documents of the Magisterium, but which has also been employed in other writings, and in the discussions connected with the dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches.  It is an expression that has become part of the common vocabulary to indicate the objective bond between the Church of Rome and Orthodox Churches.

Unfortunately, in certain publications and in the writings of some theologians involved in ecumenical dialogue, it has recently become common to use this expression to indicate the Catholic Church on the one hand and the Orthodox Church on the other, leading people to think that in fact the one Church of Christ does not exist, but may be re-established through the reconciliation of the two sister Churches.  In addition, the same expression has been applied improperly by some to the relationship between the Catholic Church on the one hand, and the Anglican Communion and non-Catholic ecclesial communities on the other.  In this sense, a “theology of sister Churches” or an “ecclesiology of sister Churches” is spoken of, characterized by ambiguity and discontinuity with respect to the correct original meaning of the expression as found in the documents of the Magisterium.

In order to overcome these equivocations and ambiguities in the use and application of the expression “sister Churches,” the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith has judged it necessary to prepare the enclosed Note on the Expression “Sister Churches” which was approved by Pope John Paul II in the Audience of June 9, 2000.  The indications contained in this Note are, therefore, to be held as authoritative and binding, although the Note will not be published in official form in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis, given its limited purpose of specifying the correct theological terminology on this subject.

In providing you with a copy of this document, the Congregation asks you to kindly communicate the concerns and specific indications expressed therein to your Conference of Bishops and especially to the Commission or Office entrusted with ecumenical dialogue, so that the publications and other texts of the Episcopal Conference and its various offices will carefully abide by what is established in the Note.

With gratitude for your assistance and with prayerful best wishes, I remain

Sincerely yours in Christ,

+Joseph Card. Ratzinger
Prefect

 

B. TEXT OF THE NOTE

 

1. The expression sister Churches occurs often in ecumenical dialogue, above all, in the dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox, and is the object of continuing study by both parties. While there is certainly a legitimate use of this expression, an ambiguous use has become prevalent in contemporary writings on ecumenism. In conformity with the teaching of the Second Vatican Council and the post-conciliar Papal Magisterium, it is therefore appropriate to recall the correct and proper use of this expression. It is helpful to begin with a brief historical outline.

I. The origin and development of the expression 

2. The expression sister Churches does not appear as such in the New Testament; however, there are numerous indications of the sisterly relations which existed among the local Churches of Christian antiquity. The New Testament passage which most explicitly reflects this awareness is the final sentence of the Second Letter of John: “The sons of your elect sister send you their greetings” (2 Jn 13). These are greetings sent by one ecclesial community to another; the community which sends the greetings calls itself the sister of the other.

3. In Christian literature, the expression begins to be used in the East when, from the fifth century, the idea of the Pentarchy gained ground, according to which there are five Patriarchs at the head of the Church, with the Church of Rome having the first place among these patriarchal sister Churches. In this connection, however, it needs to be noted that no Roman Pontiff ever recognized this equalization of the sees or accepted that only a primacy of honour be accorded to the See of Rome. It should be noted too that this patriarchal structure typical of the East never developed in the West.

As is well known, the divergences between Rome and Constantinople led, in later centuries, to mutual excommunications with “consequences which, as far as we can judge, went beyond what was intended and foreseen by their authors, whose censures concerned the persons mentioned and not the Churches, and who did not intend to break the ecclesial communion between the sees of Rome and Constantinople.” [1]

4. The expression appears again in two letters of the Metropolitan Nicetas of Nicodemia (in the year 1136) and the Patriarch John X Camaterus (in office from 1198 to 1206), in which they protested that Rome, by presenting herself as mother and teacher, would annul their authority. In their view, Rome is only the first among sisters of equal dignity.

5. In recent times, the Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople, Athenagoras I, was the first to once again use the expression sister Churches. In welcoming the fraternal gestures and the call to unity addressed to him by John XXIII, he often expressed in his letters the hope of seeing the unity between the sister Churches re-established in the near future.

6. The Second Vatican Council adopted the expression sister Churches to describe the relationship between particular Churches: “in the East there flourish many particular local Churches; among them the Patriarchal Churches hold first place, and of these, many glory in taking their origins from the apostles themselves. Therefore, there prevailed and still prevails among Eastern Christians an eager desire to perpetuate in a communion of faith and charity those family ties which ought to exist between local Churches, as between sisters.” [2]

7. The first papal document in which the term sisters is applied to the Churches is the Apostolic Brief Anno ineunte of Paul VI to the Patriarch Athenagoras I. After having indicated his willingness to do everything possible to “re-establish full communion between the Church of the West and that of the East,” the Pope asked: “Since this mystery of divine love is at work in every local Church, is not this the reason for the traditional expression ‘sister Churches,’ which the Churches of various places used for one another? For centuries our Churches lived in this way like sisters, celebrating together the ecumenical councils which defended the deposit of faith against all corruption. Now, after a long period of division and mutual misunderstanding, the Lord, in spite of the obstacles which arose between us in the past, gives us the possibility of rediscovering ourselves as sister Churches.” [3]

8. The expression has been used often by John Paul II in numerous addresses and documents; the principal ones, in chronological order, are the following.

In the Encyclical Slavorum Apostoli: “For us they [Cyril and Methodius] are the champions and also the patrons of the ecumenical endeavour of the sister Churches of East and West, for the rediscovery through prayer and dialogue of visible unity in perfect and total communion.” [4]

In a Letter from 1991 to the Bishops of Europe: “Hence, with these Churches [the Orthodox Churches] relations are to be fostered as between sister Churches, to use the expression of Pope Paul VI in his Brief to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Athenagoras I.” [5]

In the Encyclical Ut unum sint, the theme is developed above all in number 56 which begins in this way: “Following the Second Vatican Council and in the light of earlier tradition, it has again become usual to refer to the particular or local Churches gathered around their Bishop as ‘sister Churches.’ In addition, the lifting of the mutual excommunications, by eliminating a painful canonical and psychological obstacle, was a very significant step on the way toward full communion.” This section concludes by expressing the wish that the “traditional designation of “sister Churches” should ever accompany us along this path.” The topic is taken up again in number 60 of the Encyclical: “More recently, the joint international commission took a significant step forward with regard to the very sensitive question of the method to be followed in re-establishing full communion between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church, an issue which has frequently embittered relations between Catholics and Orthodox. The commission has laid the doctrinal foundations for a positive solution to this problem on the basis of the doctrine of sister Churches.” [6]

II. Directives on the use of the expression 

9. The historical references presented in the preceding paragraphs illustrate the significance which the expression sister Churches has assumed in the ecumenical dialogue. This makes the correct theological use of the term even more important.

10. In fact, in the proper sense, sister Churches are exclusively particular Churches (or groupings of particular Churches; for example, the Patriarchates or Metropolitan provinces) among themselves. [7] It must always be clear, when the expression sister Churches is used in this proper sense, that the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Universal Church is not sister but mother of all the particular Churches. [8]

11. One may also speak of sister Churches, in a proper sense, in reference to particular Catholic and non-catholic Churches; thus the particular Church of Rome can also be called the sister of all other particular Churches. However, as recalled above, one cannot properly say that the Catholic Church is the sister of a particular Church or group of Churches. This is not merely a question of terminology, but above all of respecting a basic truth of the Catholic faith: that of the unicity of the Church of Jesus Christ. In fact, there is but a single Church, [9] and therefore the plural term Churches can refer only to particular Churches.

Consequently, one should avoid, as a source of misunderstanding and theological confusion, the use of formulations such as “our two Churches,” which, if applied to the Catholic Church and the totality of Orthodox Churches (or a single Orthodox Church), imply a plurality not merely on the level of particular Churches, but also on the level of the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church confessed in the Creed, whose real existence is thus obscured.

12. Finally, it must also be borne in mind that the expression sister Churches in the proper sense, as attested by the common Tradition of East and West, may only be used for those ecclesial communities that have preserved a valid Episcopate and Eucharist.

Rome, from the Offices of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, June 30, 2000, the Solemnity of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.

 

Joseph Card. Ratzinger [future Pope Benedict XVI]
Prefect

Tarcisio Bertone, S.D.B.
Archbishop Emeritus of Vercelli
Secretary

 

NOTES

1. Paul VI and Athenagoras I, Joint Declaration Pénétrés de reconnaissance (7-12-65), 3: AAS 58 (1966), 20. The excommunications were mutually lifted in 1965: “Pope Paul VI and Patriarch Athenagoras I in his Synod...declare by mutual agreement...to regret and to remove from memory and from the midst of the Church the sentences of excommunication” (ibid.,4); cf. also Paul VI, Apostolic Letter Ambulate in dilectione (7-12-65): AAS 58 (1966), 40-41; Athenagoras I, Patriarchal Τόμoς (7-12-65): ΤΟΜΟΣ ΑΓΑΠΗΣVatican-Phanar (1958-1970), 129 (Vatican Polyglot Press: Rome-Istanbul, 1971), 290-294.

2. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree Unitatis redintegratio, 14.

3. Paul VI, Apostolic Brief Anno ineunte (25-7-67): AAS 59 (1967), 852, 853.

4. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Slavorum Apostoli (2-6-85), 27: AAS 77 (1985), 807.

5. John Paul II, Letter to the Bishops of Europe on Relations between Catholics and Orthodox in the New Situation in Central and Eastern Europe (31-5-91), 4: AAS 84 (1992), 167.

6. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Ut unum sint (25-5-95), 56 and 60: AAS 87 (1995), 954, 955, 957.

7. Cf. the texts of the Decree Unitatis redintegratio, 14, and the Apostolic Brief of Paul VI to Athenagoras I Anno ineunte, cited above in footnotes 2 and 3.

8. Cf. Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Letter Communionis notio (28-5-1992), 9: AAS 85 (1993), 843-844.

9. Cf. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Dogmatic Constitution Lumen gentium, 8; Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Declaration Mysterium Ecclesiae (24-6-73), 1: AAS 65 (1973), 396-398.

 

Source: 

https://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_20000630_chiese-sorelle_en.html

 

Did Pope St. Stephen of Rome Excommunicate St. Cyprian of Carthage?

(From a series of published lectures by the prominent Anglican theologian Fr. Frederick William Puller [+1938], who demonstrated in the first millennium, communion with Rome was not a sine qua non for membership in the One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church – a good reminder for those who wish to impose similar conditions for Orthodoxy through communion with Constantinople. Link to the complete work below. – Blog Admin.)

 

 

Some Roman Catholic writers have done their best to make out that Pope Stephen, in his dealings with S. Cyprian, never proceeded beyond threats of excommunication, and that no actual rupture took place. It is difficult to understand how such a view could ever have been seriously taken; but it is easy to see that Ultramontanes would naturally shrink from admitting that so illustrious a saint as Cyprian persisted in upholding the opinion concerning baptism which he had inherited from his predecessors, if the retaining of that opinion had resulted in his being separated from the communion of the Roman Church. If S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian were really excommunicated, and if they nevertheless refused to alter either the teaching or the practice condemned by Rome, then it is clear that neither of these saints nor their colleagues in Africa and Asia Minor could have considered that communion with the pope was an essential matter. It would follow from this conclusion that their witness would have to be reckoned as adverse to the truth of the Ultramontane theory concerning the papacy. Having thus pointed out the importance of the question, I proceed to discuss it.

I have quoted in my second lecture the clear statements of S. Firmilian on the subject of the excommunication, but it will be worth while to repeat them in this place. Writing to S. Cyprian, after mentioning the fact that there had been in various matters a diversity of practice in the different provinces of the Church, he says, “And yet there has not been on that account at any time any departure from the peace and unity of the Catholic Church. This, Stephen has now dared to make, breaking the peace with you [Cyprian], which his predecessors ever maintained with you in mutual affection and respect.” [1] And further on in the same letter S. Firmilian apostrophizes Stephen, and says, “How great a sin hast thou heaped up against thyself, when thou didst cut thyself off from so many flocks! For thou didst cut thyself off. Deceive not thyself. For he is truly the schismatic who has made himself an apostate from the communion of the unity of the Church. For while thou thinkest that all may be excommunicated by thee, thou hast excommunicated thyself alone from all.” [2] Then he goes into particulars about the way in which Stephen had treated the bishops sent to Rome as envoys or legates by the synod of the North African Church; how Stephen “would not admit them even to the common intercourse of a conference,” and how “he commanded the whole brotherhood that no one should receive them into his house; so that not only peace and communion, but shelter and hospitality, were denied them on their arrival.” [3] Yet in the face of all this, Dr. Rivington says, “There is no evidence that S. Cyprian was ever under excommunication.” [4] It seems incredible that such a statement should be made. Evidence there clearly is, and more of the same kind might have been quoted. Later on Dr. Rivington reveals to us the theory by which he gets rid of the plain evidence of S. Firmilian. He says that, as the sentence, in which the statement concerning S. Cyprian’s excommunication occurs, “contains a most exaggerated account of the situation, we may feel ourselves at liberty to regard this statement also as exaggerated.” [5] Apparently Dr. Rivington bases his accusation of exaggeration on the words in S. Firmilian’s letter to S. Cyprian, in which the holy Bishop of Caesarea, rhetorically addressing Stephen, says, “While thou thinkest that all may be excommunicated by thee, thou hast excommunicated thyself alone from all.” Concerning this sentence Dr. Rivington says, “Firmilian’s assertion was, indeed, flagrantly false, for it is notorious that Stephen did not stand alone.” [6] Assuredly Dr. Rivington’s comment is a much more serious exaggeration than is the Saint’s very innocent remark. Obviously S. Firmilian writes with the assurance that his correspondent, S. Cyprian, who knew all the facts, would interpret his words in a reasonable way. By the words “omnes” and “omnibus” S. Firmilian does not mean all the churches of Christendom, but all those many flocks (tot greges), probably a majority of all the Catholic churches then in existence, [7] which had been excommunicated by Stephen. From all these flocks Stephen had cut himself off by an excommunication, which was apparently not the outcome of a synod, but his own personal act. We have no reason to suppose that any other bishops had approved his proceeding or had made themselves parties to it. We know that S. Denys of Alexandria, who agreed with him in regard to the main point in dispute, strongly disapproved of his harsh method of enforcing the view which they held in common. [8] But even if, for the sake of argument, it were conceded that the use of the words “omnes” and “solum” was a serious exaggeration, it would not follow that one could rightly treat as an exaggeration S. Firmilian’s repeated statement that a breach of communion really took place, corroborated as that statement is by the details given in regard to the treatment of the legates, details which Firmilian must have learnt from S. Cyprian, and still further corroborated, as we shall see in the sequel, by the words of S. Denys, and by the share which S. Cyprian must have had in the translation and publication of S. Firmilian’s letter. Anyhow, it is absurd to say that “there is no evidence that he [Stephen] ever proceeded to execute his threat.” I am aware that other Roman Catholic writers have taken the same line as Dr. Rivington. The fact is that they are driven into a corner, and that the simplest way of escape is to deny the truth of the evidence, however well attested it may be. But, in justice to our brethren of the Roman communion, it must not be supposed that their best writers follow such a hopeless course. Such a course would be impossible to a historian like Tillemont; but I prefer to quote an authority from the south side of the Alps. I know of no greater name among Ultramontane historians of the last century than that of Archbishop Mansi of Lucca, best known by his great edition of the Councils. [9] Mansi, in his animadversion on Natalis Alexander’s dissertation concerning the subject which we are discussing, says, “So openly does Firmilian write to S. Cyprian that Pope Stephen broke the peace, and that he accordingly deprived them of his communion, that it seems that it cannot be doubted that he went beyond threats and at length pronounced sentence of excommunication against them.” Mansi proceeds to quote S. Firmilian’s words, and to show that they are decisive in favour of his position. Then he adds, “But the answer of Natalis appears to be altogether futile. He says that Firmilian has described a mere threat of excommunication in the same terms as if it had really been fulminated, because he took up his pen when he was somewhat angry with Stephen. I say again that such an answer appears to me to be altogether futile, because it would necessarily follow that Firmilian had forgotten all the rules of Christian behaviour and of honesty, if, in order that he might excite odium against Stephen, he had lied in so serious a matter. [10] . . . And who, I ask, could conceive that, if Stephen had done no more than threaten, Firmilian would have compared him to the traitor Judas, and would have charged him with insolence, wickedness, and folly? Assuredly these are the words of one who is impatiently bearing a wound which he has received, and who is kindled with wrath against the man who has inflicted on him a deadly wound. . . . It is clear that Stephen broke the peace and refused communion, because he did not refrain from excommunicating Firmilian, Cyprian, and the others.” [11] Mansi goes on to quote the letter of S. Denys of Alexandria to Pope S. Xystus II., a fragment of which has been preserved by Eusebius. In that letter S. Denys, speaking of Stephen, says, “Indeed, he had previously (πρότερον) written concerning Helenus [of Tarsus] and concerning Firmilian, and concerning all [the bishops] of Cilicia and Cappadocia and Galatia, and of all the neighbouring nations, saying that he would not communicate with them either (ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκείνοις κοινωνήσων), for this same cause, namely, that they rebaptize heretics.” [12] S. Denys, in his letter, so far as it has been preserved to us, deals entirely with Stephen’s relations with the Eastern bishops, and says nothing of his relations with the Church of North Africa; [13] but Mansi points out that if the pope excommunicated the Easterns he must have excommunicated also the Africans, since the latter entirely agreed with the former in their teaching and practice. [14] Thus the witness of S. Denys corroborates the witness of S. Firmilian and of S. Cyprian. Here we have a threefold cord, which will not easily be broken by any amount of a priori Ultramontane reasoning.

When it is once admitted that three contemporary writers of such high character, and of such esteem in the Church, as the three saints mentioned above, agree in their witness that an excommunication was not merely threatened but also pronounced and promulgated, [15] and when it is also admitted that there is no shred of contemporary evidence on the other side, the discussion might fairly be brought to an end; but Natalis Alexander and others lay stress on the fact that S. Augustine, writing a century and a half later, seems to have thought that the estrangement between Rome and Carthage never amounted to a breach of communion. [16] It is true that Tillemont does not so understand S. Augustine. He thinks that S. Augustine admits that the pope withdrew his communion from S. Cyprian, but he supposes that S. Augustine holds that, as S. Cyprian did not retort on the pope by a counter-excommunication, but remained united to him by the bond of charity, the breach was not complete. [17] Out of respect for the great name of S. Augustine, I will consider whether his view of the matter can really avail to counterbalance the evidence of the three contemporary saints, whose witness has been discussed above; and for the sake of conciseness I will take no account of Tillemont’s explanation of S. Augustine’s meaning, and I will assume that the latter really supposed that Stephen never withdrew his communion from S. Cyprian and from the other African bishops.

On that view of the case, I have no hesitation in saying that S. Augustine’s representation of the matter cannot possibly avail to counterbalance the direct testimony of S. Firmilian and S. Cyprian, confirmed as it is by the corroborative evidence of S. Denys; for there is every reason to believe that S. Augustine had not got the full evidence before him. The contemporary evidence of the excommunication of S. Cyprian, which has come down to us, is primarily contained in S. Firmilian’s letter, which evidently re-echoed S. Cyprian’s own dispatches, and for the translation and publication of which S. Cyprian was responsible. But that letter was not in the collection of the Cyprianic correspondence on the subject of the rebaptizing of heretics, which was in the hands of S. Augustine. The collecting of S. Cyprian’s letters was a work of time. We now possess seven letters, either written by or to S. Cyprian on the question of rebaptism; but S. Augustine had only five of these in his collection. In his controversy with the Donatists he was obliged to go most minutely into the arguments about baptism contained in the Cyprianic documents. He discusses them clause by clause. [18] He actually takes the trouble to reply separately to each of the eighty-six speeches made by the eighty-five bishops who sat in the great Council of Carthage, [19] over which Cyprian presided, and which was the last of the Cyprianic councils on rebaptism. [20] So it comes to pass that we know exactly what documents S. Augustine possessed, and what were missing; and we find that he never refers either to the synodical letter [21] written to Stephen by S. Cyprian in the name of the second of the three councils on rebaptism, or to the letter [22] addressed to S. Cyprian by S. Firmilian. [23] S. Augustine was quite aware that documents existed bearing on the controversy about baptism in the time of S. Cyprian, which had not come into his hands. He says in one place, “Not all the things which were transacted among the bishops at that time were committed to memory and to writing, and not all the things which were so committed have come to my knowledge.” [24] It is clear from all this that the whole evidence, as we now possess it, was not before S. Augustine; and in point of fact the last of the Cyprianic documents of which he had knowledge was the summarized report of the proceedings at the final council on rebaptism. But that council preceded the excommunication; [25] and it is therefore no matter for wonder that S. Augustine was unaware of the fact that a complete rupture finally took place. To put the whole matter briefly. The principal evidence for the excommunication is to be found in S. Firmilian’s letter. That letter was not known to S. Augustine. It is perfectly clear from that letter that both S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian were excommunicated. We thus know of their excommunication from themselves. It seems unreasonable to set aside the best possible contemporary evidence in deference to certain dicta of S. Augustine, who lived a century and a half later, and had never seen the document which constitutes the principal proof. It is plain that the objections raised by Natalis Alexander have no real solidity. I submit that the excommunication of S. Cyprian and S. Firmilian and their colleagues by Pope Stephen must be accepted as historically true. [26]

 

NOTES (numbering combined)

1. Ep. S. Firmil., inter Cyprianicas lxxv., § 6, Opp., ii. 813.

2. Ep. cit., § 24, p. 825.

3. Ibid., § 25, p. 826.

4. Authority, p. 103, 2nd ed.

5. Ibid., p. 105.                                      

6. Loc. cit.

7. See Additional Note 34, p. 460.

8. See p. 70, n. 5.

9. The Jesuit professor of theology in the university of Innsbruck, Father Hurter, in his useful Nomenclator Literarius (iii. 101), speaking of Mansi, says, “De illo jam agemus, qui totâ hâc epochâ omnium fuit celeberrimus deque Ecclesiâ atque re literariâ optime meritus.”

10. “In re tam gravi mentitus esset.”

11. Animadvers. in Dissert. xii. Art. i., ap. Natal. Alexandr. Hist. Eccl., ed. 1786, Bing. ad Rhenum, tom. vi. pp. 222, 223.

12. Euseb. H. E., vii. 5. I have appended the original Greek of S. Denys’ summary of the operative part of Stephen’s letter, the English translation of which is italicized in the text. Mansi rightly translates these words as follows: “quod neque cum illis communicare vellet;” and Baronius renders the passage in the same way. I mention this, because De Valois has seriously altered the sense by translating S. Denys’ words thus: “sese ab illorum communione discessurum.” There is a difference between announcing that in the future you will not communicate with certain people, and announcing that in the future you will separate from their communion. The first formula implies that separation has already been effected, or is being effected by the document in which the formula occurs. The second formula threatens a separation in the future. S. Denys represents Stephen as having effected the separation, and not as having merely threatened it. See Additional Note 35, p. 462.

13. See Additional Note 36, p. 462.

14. On this point Natalis Alexander would have agreed with Mansi. His words are express: “Una erat causa Firmiliani et Cypriani; . . . non est igitur verisimile quod Firmilianum communione privaverit Stephanus cum Orientalibus suis, et Cyprianum cum Africanis pace et communione frui permiserit” (Hist. Eccl., ed. 1786, tom. vi. p. 218).

15. The objection might be raised that, if Eusebius had supposed that Stephen had actually excommunicated the Easterns, he would have given an exact account of how the breach was healed. If Eusebius had lived some centuries later, when a papal excommunication was the direst thing that could happen to any Christian community, he would no doubt have done so; but Eusebius would not think of the matter quite in that light. In H. E., v. 24, he gives an account of the excommunication of the Asians by Pope Victor, and he describes S. Irenaeus’ mediation, as here he describes S. Denys’ peace-making efforts, but neither there does he make mention of the close of the dispute.

16. Cf. S. Aug., De Baptismo contra Donat., v. 25, Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 158, et De unic. Bapt. contra Petil., cap. xiv., Opp., ix. 538.

17. Tillemont, iv. 150, 151.

18. S. Aug., De Baptismo contra Donatistas, libb. ii., iii., iv., v.

19. S. Cyprian, as president, made two speeches, the first and the last.

20. Op. cit., libb. vi., vii.

21. S. Cypr. Ep. lxxii., Opp., ii. 775.

22. Ep. inter Cyprianicas lxxv., Opp., ii. 812.

23. S. Augustine’s words, in his refutation of the speech of Crescens of Cirta (De Bapt. contra Donat., vi. 15, Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 171), show clearly that S. Cyprian’s synodical letter to Stephen, which had been known to Crescens, was not known to him. Compare Mr. C. H. Turner’s Note appended to Dr. Sanday’s Essay on the Cheltenham List (Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, iii. 324, 325). In his third book against Cresconius (Opp., ed. Ben., 1688, ix. 435), S. Augustine implies that Cresconius had referred to “the letter of certain Orientals,” as witnessing to their approval of S. Cyprian’s doctrine about rebaptism. He quotes in the second chapter some words from Cresconius, which seem to me to imply that this letter was a synodical epistle expressing the formal assent of some Eastern synod to the conclusions of the third Carthaginian Council on rebaptism. I doubt if S. Augustine had seen the letter; and the fact that it was written, not by one man, but by several, seems to me to be a proof positive that it was not the letter of S. Firmilian, with which we are acquainted. Tillemont (iv. 158) gives further reasons for concluding that S. Augustine had never seen S. Firmilian’s letter to S. Cyprian.

24. De Bapt. contr. Donat., ii. 4, Opp., ix. 98.

25. Tillemont, iv. 155; and compare the Acta SS., tom. iv. Septembr., pp. 305, 306, where Father Suyskens, S.J., the author of the Bollandist Life of S. Cyprian, replies to Dom Maran’s arguments, and shows that the African legates, who were rejected by Stephen, were sent by the third council on rebaptism, and not by the second. Professor Jungmann (Dissertationes Selectae in Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 331) takes the same view as Suyskens; and Hefele, who in his first edition had followed Maran, changed his mind, and in his second edition supports the view which I have taken in the text (see Hefele, vol. v. p. 434, Eng. trans.). See also the Additional Note 37, p. 463.

26. See Additional Note 38, p. 463.

 

Source: The Primitive Saints and the See of Rome, by F. W. Puller, SSJE (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1900), Appendix A (“The Excommunication of S. Cyprian”) to Lecture II, pp. 72-77.

Online: https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/007372419

An Attempt to heal a Division among the Orthodox: The Council of Alexandria (A.D. 362)

 

 

Held in the year 362 by St Athanasius, after return from his third exile, in concert with St Eusebius of Vercelli, to deliberate with him and the other bishops upon the affairs of the Church, and particularly upon the means to be adopted for restoring peace and union to the Church of Antioch, where the Orthodox Christians, who for some time had communicated with the Arians, having at last, in 361, separated from them, and united themselves to St Meletius (elected bishop in the council of Antioch, A. D. 360), could not induce the Eustathians (who were the original Orthodox of the city [1]) to unite with them.

Besides St Athanasius and St Eusebius, we find in Arabia, Paphnutius of Sais, and about twenty others. They applied themselves with great industry to discover the most advisable methods for restoring order in the Church, agitated as it had been by such a tempest of heresy. Emperor Constantius II, the great patron of the Arians, was now dead.

The council settled that those who had been leaders or defenders of the heresy should be admitted to penance, but that they could not be permitted to retain any clerical office; while those who had been led away by the violence of others should be allowed to retain their rank, provided they subscribed the acts of the Council of Nicaea. - Bar. A.D. 362, § 235.

In the next place, the affairs of the Church of Antioch were discussed, where the Eustathians refused to submit to St Meletius, who had been in communion with the heretics, by whom also he had been consecrated bishop. The bishops in council requested St Eusebius and Asterius of Petra to proceed to Antioch in the name of the council; and, further, wrote a letter to the three bishops, Luciferus of Cagliari, Cymatius of Paltus, and Anatolius of Euboea, in which they expressed their joy that the Meletians were willing to unite with the followers of Paulinus, i.e., with the Eustathians; they exhorted them to require nothing further from those who desired to return from Arianism, in order to union, than that, 1st, they should confess the faith of the council of Nicaea; 2nd, they should anathematize the heresy of the Arians, and also that which teaches that the Holy Spirit is a mere creature, and not of the same substance with the Father and the Son. This was a necessary precaution to be taken against the new sect of the Macedonians; against whom it had already been decreed, by this same council, that it is necessary to believe that the Holy Spirit is of the same substance, and equally God with the Father and the Son; and that in the sacred Trinity, no one of the divine persons is either created, or inferior to other, or of later existence than another; lastly, they exhorted them to require that they should anathematize the impieties of Sabellius, Paul of Samosata, Valentinus, Basilides, and the Manicheans, and that having so done, the Meletians ought to be received without suspicion, and that the followers of Paulinus should require nothing more. In this council a discussion was also raised upon the use of the term ὑπόστασις [hypostasis], which subject at that time greatly agitated the whole Church; the Latins understanding by the term the actual "substance," were accordingly unwilling to allow more than one ὑπόστασις in God, and accused those of Arianism who recognized three. The Greeks, on the contrary, using the word in the sense of "person" maintained that it was necessary to admit three, to avoid the error of Sabellianism. St Athanasius, therefore, in order to compose these differences, required from each party a definition of what they believed; and finding from their answers that they, in fact, held precisely the same doctrine, in nothing differing from the Catholic faith, he permitted to each party the use of the term ὑπόστασις, and bound them to receive the definitions of the Nicene council, without confusing themselves with new questions. [2] However, notwithstanding the pains and judicious conduct of Athanasius, the Church was, for a long time, sorely troubled about the use of this word. Another act of this council was a complete declaration of the doctrine of the Incarnation, in opposition to the heresy of Apollinarius, who already, not openly, but in secret, had begun to teach contrary to this truth. It was defined that Jesus Christ was born of Mary; that He was "very man" as to the flesh, and that He did not take to Himself a body only without a soul or mind.

The pains, however, which the council, and Athanasius in particular, had taken to procure peace to the Church of Antioch failed, owing to the intemperate behavior of Luciferus, who, having first consecrated Paulinus, the chief of the Eustathians, withdrew, first from communion with Athanasius, and afterwards from that of the Church: whence arose the schism of the Luciferians, which lasted forty years. – Cave’s Apostolici, p. 444. Tom. ii. Conc. pp. 97. 808.

 

1. When the Arian bishops had taken possession of the see of Antioch, many, both of the clergy and laity, who purposed to abide in the true faith, forsook the public service of the Church, and assembled by themselves for divine service. Those who did so were called Eustathians, because they began first to assemble in this way after the ejection of St Eustathius of Antioch. These men who from the first had boldly contended for the true faith, refused to communicate with those who were called the Orthodox (i.e., those who held the true faith and acknowledged St Meletius for their lawful bishop), because St Meletius, although Orthodox, had been elected by the Arians, and had in some things given way to them. Thus, there were three bishops of Antioch at one time – 1. Paulinus, the bishop of the original Orthodox or Eustathians, a priest, afterwards consecrated by Lucifer of Cagliari (locally venerated by the Orthodox of Sardinia as a saint); 2. St Meletius, the bishop of the Orthodox, elected by the Arians, under the belief that he favored their views; and 3. Euzoius, whom the Arians had subsequently elected.

2. It also rejected the spurious additions of Sardica.

Additional note: according to The Synaxarion of Hieromonk Makarios of Simonos Petra, the division between the Meletians (the followers of St. Meletius) and the Eustathians (the followers of St. Eustathius) was not healed until A.D. 414; see Vol. 3, p. 576. However, according to the late Italian Patristic scholar Manlio Simonetti (+2017), the schism was not completely healed until ca. A.D. 482; see The Encyclopedia of Ancient Christianity, p. 1:155.

Source: A Manual of Councils of the Holy Catholic Church, by Rev. Edward H. Landon, Vol. 1, Edinburgh: 1909, pp. 19-22 (with slight spelling/format corrections and expansions).

 


Saturday, September 12, 2026

Find the Temple of the Holy Spirit

Sermon delivered by His Eminence Metropolitan Demetrius of America on the 18th Sunday after Pentecost, October 11/24, 2021, at Saint John of San Francisco Orthodox Monastery, Cobleskill, NY.

 

 

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.

Today, we heard concerning the sower in the gospel passage. We should understand the sower to be our savior Himself, and the seed is the word of God.

And the apostles asked our savior, "Why is it that you speak in parables?" and our Savior said, concerning those who are not able to see, that "Having eyes they see not, having ears they hear not."

He wants us to dig a little deeper in order to understand the meaning of these parables.

God does not want His people to be shallow people. He wants His people to be deep. He wants His people to search the scriptures.

He wants His people to understand that in the scriptures you will find life.

And so the sower sows the seed, but some fell by the wayside, some fell on the rocks, some fell on the thorns, and some fell on good ground.

The ones that fell by the wayside are referring to the people who hear the word of God but the devil comes right away and takes it out of their ears.

This is a remarkable thing; I've witnessed this happening sometimes.

In other words, speaking to somebody, saying something very basic, and the person not being able to comprehend.

A person who has cognitive skills, a person who has the ability to comprehend, who has enough of a mind to hear and to learn.

And then there are those seeds which fell on the rocks

And they started to grow a little bit, but then it withered away because there was not enough moisture.

This refers to the people who hear and accept, but in the time of temptation they fall away. It's too much to bear. They don't have the remembrance of death.

In other words, they are living here in a carnal manner, in a worldly manner, in an unrepentant manner, so they are not able to have the eyes to see, nor the ears to hear, to comprehend the severity of the situation.

They're unrealistic.

They think that they're being realistic because they believe in only those things which they see with their physical eyes, not having the ability to see with their spiritual eyes.

Then, there are those seeds which fell among the thorns.

And those seeds also were able to grow a little bit but then the affairs of life, the world, takes away the word.

People get distracted with the world and they forget about God.

Unfortunately, there's a large group of people that fall into this category as well.

A lot of times, those are the people that forget God, but then God sometimes sends them some type of a tribulation, some type of temptation, some type of a sickness, and all of a sudden they remember God.

And then there are those seeds which fall on good ground, that with a good and honest heart.

Our Savior says concerning them that they are able to hear the word and grow.

It's important for us to have a good and honest heart to be able to accept these words.

In fact, this parable is fulfilled in our very ears at this very moment

And every time we hear the Gospel, and every time we are listening to the word of God, and every time we are praying, and every time we are in church, the seed is being planted.

So we must receive this seed. We must work together. We must have synergy with God.

Whereas St Macarius of Egypt specifically, tells us that there must also be rain which gives the seed the ability to grow, and there must also be the sun.

And so in the midst of all this, we work together with the word of God.

We must till the ground, He sends forth the rain, and so on and so forth.

We have to take these things seriously.

Today, we celebrate the commemoration of the Holy Fathers of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, and we've heard now a lot concerning the spiritual life - but we must also understand the prerequisites and the importance.

The most important thing for us to actually embark upon the spiritual life is orthodoxy of faith, or rather, more specifically, the Church, and even more specifically, the Body of Christ.

You, we, must be members of that body.

Nowadays, people, when they have conversations with their friends, say, "Oh well, you know, I believe this" or "I believe that"; some type of a strange dogma or doctrine which has nothing to do with the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Oftentimes you'll hear, "Well, I believe you must be a good person." Well obviously, we're supposed to be good people. We're not supposed to be evil people. But sometimes, not always, but sometimes, those are people who just don't want to go deeper into the teachings of Jesus Christ.

We as Orthodox Christians, believe things not just because we want to believe one thing or another. We don't control the facts.

Remember we said that a deluded person always controls the facts - He likes to believe whatever he wants to believe.

We have been given a treasure - the faith. And we received it from none other than God Himself, and that's why the Orthodox Christians are so sensitive about preserving that which has been handed down to us, and no one else.

Can you find such a continuation from the time of the coming of our savior Jesus Christ to our very own day? Nowhere else can you find, from a historical point of view alone, besides the spiritual point of view, the continuation of the church of Jesus Christ. The church which gave us the Gospels, the Bible, the New Testament.

Do you see how strange it is for other religions to say, "I believe only that which is written in the New Testament, in the Bible", without realizing who gave them the Bible, or who gave us the New Testament

In the first centuries, there were apocryphal books, like the gospel of Peter, the gospel of Thomas

These were not accepted by the church Fathers

And a church council came together and gave us the New Testament, being under the direct illumination of the Holy Spirit, they gave us those books which we have today.

Those same Fathers; the same Fathers who honor the mother of God, who honor the saints of the church, who worshipped in an orthodox manner, who had icons.

And today, in the epistle we heard also, that we should avoid those contentious people who like to bring about a new fight.

They want to bring about some type of a new doctrine, trying to prove that they have some type of an insight which the Fathers which preceded them did not have, as if they have some special gift or discernment; something akin to an ecumenical council.

Sometimes people get together and they think that they've got all the answers.

We don't believe that.

So as we said, we're sensitive about preserving this orthodox faith because if we don't, we'll have a number of people who'd be coming and saying, "Well I believe this and I believe that", basing their beliefs upon some type of a delusion, trying to control the facts.

A person who doesn't want to fast will say, "I don't believe you need to fast." A person who doesn't want to do prostrations will say, "I don't believe you need to do prostrations." A person who doesn't want to bow and humble himself before the images of the church will say, "I don't believe that you need icons."

An icon of Jesus Christ is also an expression of His incarnation.

And the Fathers will go as far as saying, "Denying the icons is like denying the incarnation" because God is indepictable in essence.

But you see that all of us, as human beings, have senses - five senses. And those senses when we are out in the world can get damaged spiritually. They can get darkened. But when we walk into church we see that all of our senses are illumined; they can be enlightened.

Our eyes, when we look at the icons, our ears, when we hear the hymns of the church, our sense of smell when we smell the incense, and finally, we "taste and see that the Lord is good" as we hear in the Psalms. Finally, we taste, we partake of Jesus Christ Himself in the greatest gift of Holy Communion.

Everything else directs us towards that point. All these prayers, all these teachings, all the purification of the senses directs us to one point - to become one with Jesus Christ. To become one with the Holy Spirit. To become one with God the Father. To have God dwelling in us.

So when we come to participate in the Holy Eucharist, we must be prepared because that participation is commensurate to our spiritual state. Where are we spiritually? Have we prepared ourselves?

Read carefully the prayers of preparation for the Holy Communion. You'll see that the Fathers consider that the preparation is actually repentance. All the other things are means. Some people think that a certain amount of fasting will prepare you, and there's a delusion in that because the fasting in and of itself is not going to make you ready; it's going to help prepare you to get to the point. It's not the end; it's a means towards an end.

Confession as well. All these things are important. But essentially God says, "My Son give me thy heart." That's what our Lord wants from us.

"My Son gave me thy heart." He wants to take our heart and He wants to renew it, and He wants to make it His. He wants to refashion it to the ancient beauty, to the ancient image. And He wants us to see God in us. He wants to see the Holy Spirit dwelling in us.

So let us keep these things in mind my beloved Orthodox Christians and let us thank God that He deemed us worthy to be inheritors of this great legacy of this greatest gift ever: to be members of the body of Jesus Christ. And no one can take that away from us and we shouldn't take it away from ourselves either by believing whatever we want to believe especially in the time of temptation.

We cannot control the facts. The facts are what they are. As I said many times, both here in the sermons and also in the synaxis among the Fathers - these words will be verified by God Himself because these are the words which come from, these are, the teachings of the Fathers. These are not teachings of any person or individual person but of the Fathers of our savior Himself.

These words can be verified when we live the life of repentance. We will see how our senses open; how our spiritual senses become illumined. We will see how, by doing those things which have been appointed for us to do by the Holy Fathers, we receive light, we receive grace, we receive illumination, we receive the ability to comprehend more.

Our ears are opened so that the seed which has been planted in us takes root and it grows. And we will behold the growth and we will wonder how did it grow. And we will understand that there are enemies that try to take everything away from us; everything that is good, away from us.

Let us protect ourselves by signing ourselves the sign of the cross, by calling upon our savior Jesus Christ, especially by participating in the Holy Eucharist. Let us prepare ourselves to participate in the Holy Eucharist and let us understand that nothing is like this gift which God has given to us; that He has given to us His only begotten Son, who shed His blood for the sake of mankind; was obedient unto death even the death of the cross. And it behooves us also to follow His example and to be obedient. And in this obedience we will find great grace. We will find Him.

Turning towards the Holy Sanctuary, the Holy Altar looking at these icons, let us open our hearts to the words of scriptures. Let us be receptive to the sower who sows the seed. Let us not be foolish people. Let us not be like the rocks, let us not be like the wayside, let us not permit the thorns to choke up that word which the Lord has planted in us. Let it grow. And it can grow by cooperating with Him who provides all things necessary for our salvation.

May our savior Jesus Christ then grant unto us that we receive the seed of faith, the seed of the word of God, the word of God Himself. That He enter into our ears and through our ears that He penetrate into our hearts, and that we discover Him and know Him, and learn to live for Him, and learn that all those delights which we see in this world are passing, fleeting, and will not remain. "Moth and rust doth corrupt" it; those things which are in the age to come will remain unto eternity. Those things may the Lord prepare for us so that we also even as we worship Him here, and even as we hear His word here, and even as we are receptive to His seed here, may be deemed worthy to be members of His heavenly kingdom since the church is both terrestrial and celestial, may we also worship Him there with one mind, one heart, together with the angelic hosts and the saints of God.

And let us all cry out from the depths of our hearts, together with the thief, "Remember me, O Lord, in Thy kingdom." Amen.

 

Source: https://sjmshop.org/blogs/news/find-the-temple-of-the-holy-spirit 

 

In Defense of “Cyprianism”

Nikolaos Mannis | September 12, 2026




A text by an Athonite monk recently came to my attention (he is known to me, but since he does not give his name, I will not disclose it), bearing the grandiose title “Refutation of the ‘Cyprianist’ False Teachings,” in which he attempts to refute the Orthodox ecclesiological teachings concerning “ailing members” and “potentiality and actuality,” while supporting the familiar false teaching of “automatic loss.” Although I have already addressed some of the positions advanced by the author in my text “Against Sakarellism” 

(here: https://krufo-sxoleio.blogspot.com/2023/03/blog-post.html) [https://orthodoxmiscellany.blogspot.com/2025/12/a-contribution-to-liberation-of.html], 

I believe that some answers must be given here as well. For when I attempted to submit my observations on the author’s Facebook profile, he almost immediately blocked me from commenting, as is customary among those who cannot hold their own in a public dialogue.

I therefore considered it necessary to publish them, all the more so when I learned of the “condemnation of Cyprianism” by the new “Holy Alliance of the G.O.C.” of Kallinikos of the Dodecanese and Athanasios of Lavreotiki. Through this condemnation, they have made themselves patricides against their own spiritual fathers of blessed memory: Cyprian of Oropos (in the case of the former—and for the second time, following his participation in the sham deposition of 1986) and Elder Chrysanthos (in the case of the latter). These Fathers of blessed memory not only shared the same ecclesiological views but also belonged to the same Synod.

First, we must say that the text in question is unfortunately a rant containing numerous insults and derogatory labels, with an evident lack of composure. It also frequently contains unsubstantiated claims and arbitrary interpretations and positions. He writes, for example (p. 6): “The ecclesiological error expressed today under the name ‘Cyprianism’ clearly has its roots in the influence of Scholasticism and Western theology, through which it entered the Orthodox world from the Middle Ages onward.” Source? Proof? Documentation? Absolutely none; this is simply how the author wants it to be...

* * *

Elsewhere (p. 11), we read: “It is impossible for a member of it [i.e., the Church] to hold a manifest and condemned false doctrine, proclaimed openly and publicly, and continue to be a member of its body.”

At this point, I asked the following question: “If a clergyman holds a condemned false doctrine but is cunning enough not to proclaim it publicly and openly, is he a member of the Church or not? Does he celebrate Mysteries or not? What do you say?”

The author, acting “cleverly,” did not dare to give a clear answer. For if he were consistent with his theory of “automatic loss” (that heresy automatically cuts a member off from the Church and a clergyman immediately forfeits his priesthood), he would have had to answer “no.” This would indeed create chaos, since no Orthodox Christian would know whether he had truly been baptized, married, absolved in confession, or ordained, because no one can know the hidden beliefs of every clergyman. If he answered “yes,” it would be as though he were proving the equally absurd position that it is not heresy that deprives a clergyman of Grace and priesthood, but his stupidity or “cleverness”: if he is foolish enough to reveal himself openly and publicly, then he is automatically stripped of … Grace. But if he is cunning enough not to reveal himself openly, keeping his heresies secret instead, then he duly possesses the priesthood and celebrates Mysteries!

* * *

Elsewhere (p. 12), he writes (again without substantiation): “Within Christ’s flock there may be sinful members, but never heretical ones, since what defines the unity of the Church is primarily the unity of faith expressed in the common Chalice, whereas what destroys that unity is heretical belief, certainly not the sinfulness of Her members. These two things cannot be compared! For this reason, a sinner can belong to the body of the Church and be saved through continual repentance; a heretic, however, never!”

What is the author telling us here?

a) First, that you can be a pedophile, murderer, rapist, someone who commits bestiality, etc., without losing your membership in the Church, but if you are misled into believing, for example, that “the Holy Spirit proceeds also from the Son” or that “Christ’s divine nature absorbed His human nature,” then you are automatically outside the Church.

b) That there can be “sinful members” (and we agree; we simply call them “ailing”) in the Church, but not “heretical” ones. In saying this, he both overlooks the fact that heresy is also a sin and contradicts himself in the interpretation he attempts to give immediately afterward, quoting Joseph Kalothetos’s statement that the Church “abstains from everything (note: that is, not only from heresy) that is base and wicked, and is free from every evil and from every stain and blemish”! And—to crown it all—the author anathematizes himself, since on the one hand he teaches that there are “sinful members” in the Church, while on the other he declares that “the Church anathematizes those who question her purity and attribute stain to her”!

c) That through repentance a sinner can be saved, but a heretic never can, thus surpassing even the Luciferians [i.e., the schismatic followers of the fourth century Bishop Lucifer of Cagliari – tr.] in error and coming close to the Donatists.

* * *

The author then quotes a passage (pp. 12–13, footnote 7, which I reproduce here: “To those who dare to say that the Church does not preserve the purity and spotlessness of her sacred worship, but has incurred some defilement through the reunion, accomplished by the grace of God, of her children, whom the preceding scandal had divided, but whom its rejection and repudiation by all together reunited: anathema”). This comes from the Tome of Union of 920 (I mention this because the author does not). The purpose of this Tome was to unite the two factions in the Church of Constantinople: the Nikolaites (followers of Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos) and the Euthymians (followers of Patriarch Euthymios Syncellus), who had become divided over the unlawful fourth marriage of Emperor Leo VI the Wise. The Tome therefore anathematizes those who opposed this union on the grounds that the Church would be defiled. Thus, the passage in question has nothing to do with the heretical theory of the Cathari that the author defends.

* * *

Further on (p. 21 ff.), the author disparages both Metropolitan Basil of Smyrna of blessed memory (about whom see here: https://krufo-sxoleio.blogspot.com/2016/12/1910.html) and the Teacher of the Nation, Eugenios Voulgaris, regarding them as subject to “papal theological influences” (p. 25). Yet in another text of his (“Is There Economia in Baptism by Pouring?”, p. 10), he had praised the latter as exceptionally wise! What does it reveal, then, when someone praises a person when he agrees with him, but condemns him when he disagrees? Certainly, neither wisdom nor prudence.

All the more so when this same author, who regards New Calendarists as automatically outside the Church, continually cites New Calendarists (that is, according to him, non-members of the Church) to support his views, such as Trembelas, Androutsos, Sakarellos, Christofilopoulos, Arampatzis (whom he calls Ambrazis on p. 48), and others...

* * *

Furthermore, the author attempts to refute the Orthodox teaching on the indelibility of the priesthood (which, of course, is not identical to the scholastic interpretation given to it by the Papists), but he is refuted by the Church’s own practice: when She lifts a clergyman’s deposition, She does NOT reordain him, as She would have to do if his priesthood had been effaced. However, I have already stated my position on this subject here, where the supporting patristic evidence can also be found: https://www.romfea.gr/katigories/10-apopseis/39359-to-anejaleipto-tis-ierosunis

* * *

Also noteworthy is footnote 49 (p. 36), in which the author expresses his surprise that the “Ecumenists” have supposedly understood ecclesiology better than the “Anti-Ecumenists of potentiality and actuality.” He then quotes from a text of the Church of Albania (written, I believe, by [Archbishop] Anastasios of Albania of blessed memory), which supposedly proves his position. In the table below, I reproduce an excerpt from this text of the Church of Albania alongside an excerpt from an old letter by Fr. Theodoretos Mavros of blessed memory, a defender of “potentiality and actuality.”

CHURCH OF ALBANIA

(November 15, 2022)

Even if we suppose that imprints of ordination remain, when the ordaining bishop is cut off from the Church, deposed, anathematized, and excommunicated, he becomes inactive and transmits no grace (just as an electrical device transmits no energy when disconnected from the power supply).

 

Fr. THEODORETOS

(May 6, 1979)

As for the additional grace possessed by a clergyman, we accept that only upon his condemnation by the synod that bestowed it upon him does he—not lose it (“for the gifts and calling of God are irrevocable”)—but become unable to exercise it (suspension). More simply: if we regard the priest as a lamp and grace as the electric current, all the synod does is disconnect him from the circuit so that he cannot light up. In all other respects, the lamp outwardly remains a lamp, but without light—that is, a priest unable to celebrate Mysteries.

Therefore, the only one shown here to be ignorant of ecclesiology is the author.

* * *

Next, seeking to refute the fact that those ordained by deposed bishops are judged as clergymen, the author refers to Canon 19 of the First Ecumenical Council, the relevant portion of which reads as follows: “Concerning those who were Paulianists and subsequently sought refuge in the Catholic Church, it has been decreed that they must without exception be rebaptized. If any were formerly numbered among the clergy, and are found to be blameless and irreproachable, let them, after being rebaptized, be ordained by the bishop of the Catholic Church. But if the examination finds them unfit, they ought to be deposed.”

He immediately poses the question (p. 37): since the Paulicians were considered unbaptized, “From what are they to be deposed? From the priesthood, which, as unbaptized persons, they entirely lack?” Developing his argument, and drawing support from the opinions of the canonists (p. 38) that “to be deposed” is used in an improper sense, he attempts to extend this interpretation to every case! Yet the canonists are absolutely clear and explicit:

a) Zonaras: “I believe that the term ‘deposition’ is used here in an improper sense.”

b) Balsamon: “The term ‘deposition’ is used here in an improper sense, in place of ‘expulsion.’”

c) Saint Nicodemus: “For here ‘deposition’ is used in an improper sense, in place of ‘expulsion.’”

Here, then—that is, only in this particular case! Not in every case, as the author distorts it by generalizing it to justify his position.

* * *

Continuing, the author speaks plainly and unabashedly (p. 40 ff.) in favor of the “automatic loss of Grace,” on which he even makes the cessation of communion/walling-off depend. Here lies the great difference between us: those who hold to automatic loss believe that we must wall ourselves off because “Grace has been lost automatically,” whereas we say that walling-off is undertaken to bring about a judgment by the competent synod (for the Church is not a jungle where every beast can seize the authority to judge, but has institutions and canons), and we do not wish to be included in that synod’s condemnation. These views of the proponents of automatic loss, which unfortunately continue to be repeated today, a century after they were first expressed by the well-known Athonites ([Arsenios] Kotteas, [Matthaios] Karpathakis, and others), have been answered by the Fathers, whom we too follow: https://krufo-sxoleio.blogspot.com/2017/03/blog-post_5.html

Furthermore, apart from the fact that the author cites no scriptural, patristic, or synodal passage in support of his position (with the sole exception of a reference to the New Calendarist Christofilopoulos—that is, someone … “automatically outside the Church”), two very important points are also worth noting:

a) If the “automatic loss” proclaimed by the author were true, then there would be no Church today. Even the G.O.C. and Zealots would be without priesthood, since their ordinations derive from the active participation of New Calendarists...

b) The position of “automatic loss” (also known as the central tenet of all extreme Zealots) is accepted not by the Orthodox Church, but by the Papal Church! This is the well-known Latin term latae sententiae (“with sentence already passed”) in the canon law of the Papal Church, introduced by the Second Lateran Council (1139). It denotes a penalty—chiefly “anathema”—incurred automatically (ipso facto) by the very commission of an offense, without requiring a decision by the competent ecclesiastical authority! What a pity for the unfortunate Ultra-Zealots, who ultimately prove to be adherents of Papism...

* * *

Continuing his attempt to support “automatic loss” and establish his ecclesiological position that those who revive condemned heresies are automatically anathematized, the author uses a passage supposedly written by Athanasius the Great, quoting only its translation while concealing the original. The madness is complete with the addition of a footnote (55), in which he provides a translation … of the translation, so that he can then more easily misinterpret it. Let us examine the text he uses, together with his misinterpretation, and then the original text, its actual author, and its true interpretation.

The author quotes the following (supposedly original) text, allegedly by Athanasius the Great (which, as we have said, is a translation): “Let all heresies be anathematized, both those condemned previously and those which, should they appear in a new guise, are contrary to this formulated statement.” Then, after translating the translation (“Let all heresies—both those condemned in the past and those which, should they appear in a new guise, are contrary to this formulated statement [the Definition of the Council]—be anathematized”), he interprets the final phrase (“Let them be anathematized”) as follows: “This is a continuous present tense. When the Church says ‘let him be anathema’ or ‘let them be anathematized,’ she is not referring merely to a moment in the past. The anathema applies now and always, as long as the particular error or situation remains unrepented of and uncorrected.” His purpose is clear: to prove that the “anathema” supposedly takes effect automatically and requires no new synodal judgment.

Let us now examine the original text: “Let all heresies already condemned in the past, or any that have recently arisen in opposition to this statement that has been set forth, be anathema” (Athanasius the Great, EPE 10, 238).

This text is indeed contained in Athanasius the Great’s work “On the Councils Held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria.” However, it is not the Saint’s own text, but an excerpt from the Arian “Creed of Nike” of 359 (see also here: https://www.fourthcentury.com/the-thracian-nicaean-creed/), which Athanasius the Great quotes in this historical work.

And now the most appalling part: this heretical creed anathematizes the Orthodox, for they were the ones expressing teachings (namely, the doctrine of consubstantiality) “contrary to this formulated statement (the Definition of the Council),” as the author translates it, foolishly failing to realize that this “Council” was Arian!

We see, then, what sort of people these unfortunate critics of “Cyprianism” are: people who, although unable to understand what they are reading (even falling into blasphemies), insist on theologizing... At least they protect their honor and reputation by either publishing their texts anonymously or circulating them secretly and privately.

Nevertheless, since the disputed phrase “ἀνάθεμα ἔστωσαν” (“let them be anathema”) is also common in Orthodox texts, let us examine its correct interpretation according to Greek grammar (not Zealot grammar!). First of all, the phrase “ἀνάθεμα ἔστωσαν” is not a “continuous present” (there is no “continuous present” in Greek grammar!), but an imperative. The author himself acknowledges this elsewhere (p. 50), where, however, he continues his abuse of poor grammar... First, he confuses the verb with its tense, writing that “ἔστω” is a form “of the verb ‘εἰμί’ and not of ‘ἔσομαι’” (whereas “ἔσομαι” is not another verb, but the future tense of the very same verb, “εἰμί”!). He then speaks of the “same active conjugation,” referring to the forms ἔσται / ἔσονται. However, the future “ἔσομαι” is a middle-voice (deponent) form, and the forms “ἔσται” (third-person singular) and “ἔσονται” (third-person plural) have middle endings, not active ones, since the verb “εἰμί” has no active future. Finally, in a comparison wholly misguided from a grammatical standpoint, he compares the imperative (ἔστω) with the future indicative (ἔσται), two different moods with entirely different functions.

Let us therefore repeat once again Saint Nicodemus’s interpretation (he knew grammar well) on this subject:

“We must know that the penalties prescribed by the Canons, namely, ‘let him be deposed,’ ‘let him be excommunicated,’ and ‘let him be anathema,’ are, according to the rules of grammar, third-person imperatives referring to someone absent. For this command to be conveyed to that person, a second person must necessarily be present. Let me explain this more clearly. The Canons command the synod of living bishops to depose priests, or to excommunicate or anathematize laypeople who transgress the Canons. However, if the synod does not actually carry out the deposition of the priests, or the excommunication or anathematization of the laypeople, these priests and laypeople are neither actually deposed nor excommunicated nor anathematized. They are, however, liable here to deposition, excommunication, or anathematization, and hereafter to divine judgment. Likewise, when a king commands his servant to beat another who has wronged him, if the servant who received the command does not carry out the king’s order, the one who wronged the king remains unbeaten, though liable to a beating. Hence, those foolish people who say that at the present time all clergymen ordained contrary to the Canons are actually deposed are greatly mistaken. A tongue that foolishly babbles such things is one that slanders the priesthood, failing to understand that the command of the Canons, without its actual execution by the second person—that is, the synod—remains unfulfilled and does not take effect of itself, immediately and before judgment. The divine Apostles themselves clearly explain their meaning in their Canon 46, since they do not say that any bishop or presbyter who accepts the baptism of heretics is already, immediately, actually deposed, but ‘we command that he be deposed’; that is, that he be brought to judgment, and if it is proved that he has done this, then let him be stripped of the priesthood by your decision: this is what we command” (Footnote on Apostolic Canon 3).

Of course, because Saint Nicodemus delivers a crushing rebuttal here to the proponents of automatic loss, the author resorts to the excuse that this supposedly “concerns canonical offenses not yet adjudicated, and not cases of condemned heresies” (footnote 69). Yet this claim is arbitrary and, once again, entirely unsubstantiated.

* * *

On pp. 54–55, the author claims that if the “Cyprianists” wish to be consistent with their ecclesiology (that is, their acceptance of the Mysteries of uncondemned heretics), then “they must accept every canonical act imposed upon them by the synodal courts of the ‘uncondemned’ heretical Ecumenist church from which they separated, submitting to these acts without objection.”

This distorting argument is familiar, since the Matthewites also used it. But here is how Fr. Theodoretos of blessed memory refutes it, addressing an ideological predecessor of the author:

“Wishing next to proclaim your familiar refrain—the only weapon you have left—that the New Calendarists lost Grace in 1924, you mention Chrysostomos, the former Metropolitan of Florina, claiming that, if this were not the case, the aforementioned hierarch would have to be regarded as truly deposed, since he was deposed by a Church possessing Grace (according to my view). But who does not know that depositions take effect and are valid only when carried out in accordance with justice and the pronouncements of the sacred Canons? Here is what Saint Nicodemus, to whom you also refer me for study, says on this matter: ‘Those who are unjustly excommunicated for the name of God, that is, either for the faith or for the Traditions of the Church … ought to rejoice, since they are worthy of being called blessed.’ And the divine Maximus the Confessor says: ‘If a hierarch excommunicates contrary to God’s purpose, divine judgment does not follow him’ (note 3 on Apostolic Canon 32). Consequently, neither were the blessed Metropolitan of Florina and his fellow hierarchs of Demetrias and Zakynthos deposed in 1935, nor had the New Calendarist Church lost Grace. By introducing a grave and dangerous innovation against Orthodoxy as a whole, she gave the aforementioned hierarchs and the faithful People of God every right to repudiate her and withdraw from her midst, as had happened many times before in history” (Third Open Letter to Archpriest Eugenios Tombros, Mount Athos–Athens, 1972, p. 2).

* * *

The author also makes a point of referring (pp. 57–58 and 72–73) to Venerable Theodore the Studite and repeating the positions concerning the invalidity of heretics’ Mysteries (also familiar from their use by Fr. Efthymios Trikaminas). Venerable Theodore, however, was active AFTER the condemnation of the Iconoclasts by the Seventh Ecumenical Council, so his statements concern condemned heretics, despite the author’s desperate attempt to persuade us (again without evidence) that they supposedly concern uncondemned heretics.

Footnote 87 (pp. 64–65) provides appalling evidence of the author’s darkened understanding, so I reproduce it here verbatim, lest he remove it when he realizes the extent of its absurdity:

⁸⁷ Saint Tarasios delivers a crushing rebuttal to the “Cyprianists’” nonsense about the Orthodox and the Iconoclasts being united in one Church, since, during the discussions recorded in the Acts of the Council, he repeatedly stated that the Iconoclasts were completely cut off from the body of the Church, indeed fervently praying for their reunion with the body of Christ!

“And Christ our God, the rock upon which we are firmly established, in no way allowed the tunic woven from the top throughout—that is, His Church, built by Him and upon Him—to remain divided and torn, with its members moving now one way, now another, but together with the ancient heresies, also the error of the new wickedness of the accusers of Christians...” … “so that the divided parts might be united...” and “that He might gather us into one, unite what has been divided, and heal the longstanding wound...”

Translation: “And in no way did Christ our God—the rock upon which we are firmly established—allow His tunic woven from above, namely His Church, built by Him and upon Him, to remain torn and rent, or its members each to move in a different way; on the contrary, together with the old heresies, He also did away with the error of the new wickedness of the accusers of Christians (the Iconoclasts)... so that the divided parts might be united... and that He might gather us all into one body, unite what has been separated, and heal the longstanding wound...” Acts of the Councils, vol. 3, p. 261.

As every reader in his right mind can clearly see, Saint Tarasios is plainly shown here to be a “Cyprianist” (that is, Orthodox), since he accepts that, until the condemnation of Iconoclasm (which divided the Church of Constantinople) by the Seventh Ecumenical Council, over which he presided, the Iconoclasts were regarded as members of the Church, albeit in error and ailing. This is why he rejoices that the division has ceased, the divided members have been united in the truth, and the error of heresy has disappeared. Saint Theophanes the Branded, the Confessor, expresses the same rejoicing in a troparion of the canon he composed, which we chant on the Sunday of Orthodoxy: “Beholding this greatest blessing—the separated members of Christ gathered into unity—let us clap our hands and praise God, who hath bestowed peace.”

Saint Tarasios, then, together with the Fathers of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, believes precisely the opposite of what the author maintains, since they agree with us “Cyprianists” (that is, the Orthodox) that the Mysteries of uncondemned heretics are accepted. For when they say, “Should those ordained by heretics be received? The holy council said: Yes, Master, we have heard, and they ought to be received,” this can mean one of two things: either the Fathers are Ecumenists and, like today’s Ecumenists, recognize Mysteries among those outside the Church, or the Fathers are Orthodox (that is, “Cyprianists,” as the author calls them) and accept the Mysteries of heretics BEFORE their condemnation.

Tarasios, the most holy Patriarch, said: “We have heard the injunctions of the Fathers. What, then? Should those ordained by heretics be received?”

The holy council said: “Yes, Master, we have heard, and they ought to be received.”

Tarasios, the most holy Patriarch, said: “Indeed, most of those who sat in the Sixth Holy Council had been ordained by Sergius, Pyrrhus, Paul, and Peter, the leaders of the Monothelite heresy, since these men occupied the throne of Constantinople in succession. No more than fifteen years elapsed between Peter, the last of them to preside over the throne of Constantinople, and the Sixth Council. Even Thomas, John, and Constantine, who became hierarchs in the intervening period, had received their ordination from the aforementioned heretics during the period already mentioned, and they were not rejected on that account; for the heresy at that time persisted for fifty years. Yet the Fathers of the Sixth Council anathematized those four, despite having been ordained by them.”

* * *

And when the author writes (p. 68), “Every contrary view is based on misinterpretations or even deliberate distortions intended to produce predetermined conclusions that serve and further the wicked aims of the Ecumenists,” the famous Latin phrase “Clodius accusat moechos” comes to mind...

* * *

Continuing, and attempting to downplay the importance of the invocation of the Holy Trinity in baptism administered by heretics, the author states (p. 72) that Athanasius the Great considers such a baptism unprofitable. Here too I reproduce the Saint’s original text, which the author omitted (since the EPE translation he quotes is problematic—for example, it renders “sound” as … “firm”): “Indeed, many other heresies also pronounce the names alone, but neither think rightly, as has been said, nor possess sound faith. Thus, the water administered by them is also unprofitable, being deficient in piety, so that whoever is baptized by them is defiled by impiety rather than delivered from it.” We see, then, that although the Saint acknowledges that these heresies invoke the divine names (that is, those of the Holy Trinity), he indeed quite rightly considers this baptism unprofitable (“ἀλυσιτελές” in the original). Why, then, did Athanasius the Great (together with all the Fathers and Councils) receive the Arians without rebaptism (as everyone knows, except the author)? This happened, on the one hand, because “unprofitable” does not mean “nonexistent” (Saint Augustine also explains this in great detail in his work “Against the Donatists,” which I shall publish shortly), and, on the other, because the invocation of the divine names constitutes the basis upon which the Church, applying Economia, accepts this existing Baptism, which she completes with the “sound faith” and piety that are lacking.

* * *

What the author says about a “divine spark” (p. 74), as well as his personal interpretations concerning an invalid–nonexistent Mystery (pp. 77–79), is entirely unrelated to so-called “Cyprianism,” with which he misleadingly attempts to associate these ideas, time and again, without any evidence.

* * *

Concluding his rambling discourse, the author essentially teaches (pp. 80–81) that the Church has a magic wand with which she turns the nonexistent into the existent (that is, precisely what Papism does, or what Patriarch Bartholomew did with the unordained Ukrainians). Realizing, however (perhaps in a moment of heightened reason), the absurdity of such a theory, he attempts to offer the laughable explanation (again without any patristic substantiation) that an unordained man is transformed into an ordained one through concelebration! He does not tell us, however, how an unbaptized person is transformed into a baptized one...

* * *

In closing this post, I would recommend that the newly emerged “anti-Cyprianists,” especially those who wear the cassock, study these matters with humility, prayer, and care, so that they do not disgrace Orthodoxy and themselves. For in slandering our Fathers as heretics, let them not imagine that no one will come forward to defend them.

 

Greek source: https://krufo-sxoleio.blogspot.com/2026/09/blog-post_12.html

 

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