An excerpt from Orthodoxy and Heresy: Articles and commentaries concerning the contemporary heresy of Ecumenism and the grave responsibility of those who are in communion with it, directly or indirectly,
Published by the
periodical of Fr. Theodoretos (Mavros), “The Hagiorite,” Athens, 1982, pp.
61-70, 84-94.

The Condemnable
Nature of Communion with Heretics
What do God and His Church
require Orthodox Christians (clergy and laity) to do when their bishop does not
himself preach heresy, but nevertheless remains in communion with those who
preach some false doctrine by word and deed, even if those who preach it have
not yet been judged by a Synod?
The answer to the above serious
question certainly cannot be brief and simple. We could summarize it in
successive stages as follows:
A) If the heresy has been
preached for only a short time (a few months), the faithful wait and anxiously
observe to see how their bishop, or his fellow bishops, or the bishops of other
Orthodox Churches will react. (For just as the Church of Christ is one, despite
its various administrative divisions into patriarchates and archdioceses, so
too one and the same responsibility rests upon all, clergy and laity, in the
face of the false doctrine being preached, varying only according to the
knowledge and rank of each individual.) And if their bishop reacts in a
patristic manner, they are then obliged to support him with all their strength,
awaiting the outcome.
B) If, however, contrary to
expectations, their bishop does not react, but his fellow bishops do, or even a
single Orthodox bishop does, then they are obliged to support that bishop,
thereby indirectly rebuking, at least initially, the silence of their own
shepherd, without, however, breaking communion with him.
If, however, the reactions of the
bishop who is struggling against the heresy intensify and, in due course,
culminate in the cessation of communion with the one professing false doctrine
(provided that the latter remains obstinate in his erroneous beliefs), then the
faithful are obliged to remain in communion only with the aforementioned bishop
who is struggling against the heresy, withdrawing from the assemblies of their
own bishop, who, through his silence or lukewarm reaction, continues to remain
in communion with the one preaching heresy, thereby cooperating in and
strengthening the false doctrine. The patristic teaching on this matter is
perfectly clear: “Some have suffered complete shipwreck concerning the Faith;
others, although they have not been overwhelmed in their thoughts, nevertheless
perish together with them through communion with the heresy.” [11]
“All the teachers of the Church,
all the Synods, and all the divine Scriptures exhort us to flee those who hold
beliefs contrary to the Faith and to separate ourselves from communion with
them.” [12]
And the great Theodore the
Studite adds: “For Chrysostom declared loudly and emphatically that not only
heretics, but also those who remain in communion with such persons, are enemies
of God.” [13]
The aforementioned actions of the
bishop who is rightly struggling against the heresy must not cease until the
heretic has been condemned by a Synod. Otherwise, his resistance must continue
even unto death, chains, and imprisonment, that is, in cases where the one
professing false doctrine possesses political or ecclesiastical power over him,
as has frequently occurred in the history of the Church.
It is understood that the role of
the bishop who reacts in an Orthodox manner may be assumed by a clergyman or
monk, provided that no bishop responds in a timely or effective manner. The
examples are numerous. [14]
The factors of time and knowledge
will always play a fundamental and decisive role in all the above, that is, how
long the false doctrine has been preached and to what extent it has become
known to the pleroma of the Church.
It must be noted, however, that
in our days the factor of knowledge has been virtually eliminated, owing to the
existing means of transmitting speeches and events, while the factor of time,
although considerably reduced in comparison with the past, nevertheless
continues and will continue to play a fundamental role because of the need to
organize the resistance methodically until the heretic’s condemnation by a
Synod. A classic example in this regard, to which all good shepherds may look,
is the condemnation of the heretic Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, by
the Third Ecumenical Council, in which the leading figures responsible for his
deposition were not any of the heretic’s fellow bishops, but the Patriarchs of
Alexandria and Rome, who were situated very far away! [15]
Concerning
“Synodal Judgment”
The following question then
arises: All well and good; those who reacted in this manner and brought about
the deposition of the heretic deserve honor and praise, in accordance with the
provisions of the Sacred Canons.
But how should the others be
regarded—those who did not break communion with the heretic and continued to
remain in communion with him until his condemnation by a Synod—since the
relevant Sacred Canons say nothing about them?
If the Sacred Canons [16] do not
speak of the fate of those who continued in communion with the heresiarch until
his condemnation by a Synod, this does not mean that the nature of these most
sacred canons is permissive and, consequently, that communion with the heretic
is blameless or a matter of indifference? Quite the contrary!
The evidence is found in the Acts
of the Holy Synods, that is, in the Sacred Tradition of Orthodoxy, which most
clearly attests to the condemnable, culpable, and punishable conduct of such
bishops and clergy in general. Only Archimandrite Fr. Epiphanios Theodoropoulos
has dared to assert precisely the opposite, showing complete disregard for the
distortion of the truth that he has ventured to make. Thus, he writes:
“But the cessation of
commemoration ‘before synodal judgment’ and condemnation does not have the
purpose of avoiding defilement from the heresy being preached! No, my brother!
If that were its purpose, then the Canons would not merely grant the right to
cease commemoration on account of heresy ‘before synodal judgment,’ but would
establish an explicit and clear obligation, under threat of the most severe
penalties in the event of noncompliance... There is therefore no danger of our
becoming... defiled, either by commemorating the Patriarch (so long as he has
not yet been condemned), or, much less, by receiving into communion those who
commemorate him”... “The canon is permissive and not obligatory”...
“That these things are true,”
continues the Very Reverend Archimandrite, “is also demonstrated by the fact
that, although countless bishops have been deposed for heresy throughout the
long history of the Church, never has any clergyman been punished, or even
merely reprimanded, for failing to hasten to separate himself immediately from
a heretical bishop, but instead awaiting his condemnation by a Synod...”
“Claims to the contrary are foolish manifestations of zealotry.” [17]
Why, then, did the most holy
Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, contrary to Fr. Epiphanios, exhort the faithful
of Constantinople, clergy and laity alike, to abstain from communion with
Nestorius, who was preaching heresy, even though a Synod had not yet convened
to condemn him? [18] It should also be noted that when the divine Cyril wrote
the above, most of the faithful and clergy of Constantinople had already broken
communion with their bishop who professed false doctrine, with the exception of
a few less steadfast individuals and those who flattered him. [18a]
Why did Saint Hypatios, as soon
as he learned of the false doctrine of Nestorius, cease commemorating him, even
before the Synod had convened to condemn the one professing false doctrine?
[19]
Why did Saint Maximos the
Confessor break off all ecclesiastical communion, before “synodal judgment,”
with almost all the Sees of East and West on account of the heresy of
Monothelitism, to the point that he was considered “outside the Church” by his
opponents? [20]
Why did the defenders of the holy
icons, clergy and laity, who struggled before the Seventh Ecumenical Council,
remain out of communion with the Iconoclasts for entire decades, enduring
imprisonment and dwelling in mountains and caves for the sake of their good
confession? [21]
Was Theodore the Studite, the
leading figure among the defenders of the holy icons, also a “foolish zealot,”
when he wrote: “Communion entails defilement merely through commemorating him (that
is, the Iconoclast bishop), even if the one commemorating him is Orthodox”?
[22] Or when, concerning a matter far less serious than Iconoclasm, namely the
unlawful marriage of the emperor, he proclaimed with unsurpassed boldness: “We
would rather endure anything, even unto death, than partake of communion with him
(the priest Joseph) and those who concelebrate with him”? (PG 99,
972).
The extent of the falsehood, lack
of logic and seriousness, and particularly un-Orthodox spirit contained in the
words of the aforementioned archimandrite will, however, be demonstrated in
greater detail below.
First of all, it is impossible
for there to be a canon punishing a priest or bishop for failing to break
communion with a heretic before synodal judgment. Why? Because, if such a canon
existed, what role would the Synod have to play, since it would always arrive
on the scene... “after the event”? And how could it be a true Synod, upholding
the truth of the Gospel, if, instead of protecting the clergy and people under
its pastoral care, it were itself dependent upon their protection? For this is precisely
what would result from requiring everyone else to react immediately upon the
appearance of heresy, while exempting the Synod itself, which would only
intervene afterward!
Such a canon, if it existed,
would be like a law requiring all soldiers and officers to fight without
yielding as soon as the enemy appeared, while exempting the generals and chiefs
of staff, who would be the last to convene, merely to announce that the enemy
had been wrong to attack and that the soldiers and officers had done very well
to resist him promptly!..
Unfortunately, it is such canons
that Fr. Epiphanios seeks in The Rudder, and when he fails to find
them... he declares the existing ones to be permissive, gravely misinterpreting
their meaning!
But the contemporary Synodal
Fathers do not appear to differ in their mentality from that of their
self-appointed advocate. For entire decades now, although they have witnessed
the heresy of Ecumenism growing and flagrantly overturning the “boundaries set
by the Fathers,” which the Most Reverend Hierarchs are supposedly obliged to
guard as the apple of their eye, whenever they convene, instead of condemning
the false doctrine, they persecute those few among the faithful who have dared
to resist the heresy, invoking the authority of the Sacred Canons! Truly, an
exact repetition of the un-Orthodox episodes in the Church’s past.
But there is something else. By
what logic would this hypothetical canon require the Synod to depose those
clergymen who had not reacted before it did, when the very Synodal bishops who
would carry out the deposition would themselves bear the same degree of guilt
in comparison with those who had reacted before them?!
Such a canon would have a place
ONLY if the bishops who would pronounce the “synodal judgment” had reacted
promptly and in a patristic manner against the false doctrine, but had been unable
to convene in a Synod to condemn the one professing it because of the
intervention of the State and its protection of the heretic, as happened
frequently, particularly during Iconoclasm. In that case, when the bishops in
question finally convened, they would certainly have every right to condemn
those clergymen who had not followed their example, as occurred at the Seventh
Ecumenical Council. In such circumstances, of course, the consciences of the
other clergymen are not put to the test, nor do they have time to be tested, as
to what position they should adopt toward the false doctrine, etc.
Let the Very Reverend
Archimandrite, therefore, not labor in vain in attempting to set his conscience
at ease, along with the consciences of all those who knowingly remain in
communion with the heresy being preached, even before “synodal judgment,” for he
and those whom he defends are hard pressed on every side... [22a]
The Practice of
the Church
But did not the Church of Christ,
even BEFORE the establishment of the relevant Sacred Canons, successfully
confront the heresies that arose, on the basis of the teaching of Holy
Scripture [23] and her holy children, [24] as Saint Theodore also clearly
testifies? “For we have a commandment from the Apostle himself that, if anyone
teaches as doctrine or commands us to do anything contrary to what we have
received, contrary to what the Canons of the various Synods, both Ecumenical
and Local, prescribe, we must reject him and not even reckon him among the
company of the saints” (PG 99, 988A).
This is precisely what the Holy
Fathers of the Seventh Ecumenical Council put into practice during the trial
and condemnation of the Iconoclasts, notwithstanding Fr. Epiphanios’ assertion
to the contrary, namely, that “never has any clergyman been punished, or even
merely reprimanded, for failing to hasten to separate himself immediately from
a heretical bishop...” We now present representative passages from the sessions
of the Council.
A) Tarasios, the most holy
Patriarch, said to the Bishop of Neocaesarea: “Has the truth remained unknown
to you until now, or have you knowingly disregarded it? And if it has remained
unknown to you, do not be ashamed to learn the correct teaching, just as you
were not ashamed to learn the distorted teaching.”
Gregory, Bishop of Neocaesarea,
said: “Believe me, Master, it was unknown to me. I ask to be instructed, as the
Master and the Holy Synod command.”
Tarasios: “Tell us what you wish
to learn.”
Gregory said: “When I saw that
this entire assembly speaks and thinks with one mind, I learned and became
convinced that this is the truth which is now being examined and proclaimed.
And for this reason, I too ask forgiveness for my former wrongdoings, and I
wish, together with everyone else, to be enlightened and instructed. My
transgressions and sins are immeasurable, and may God move the Holy Synod and
the most holy Master to compassion...”
Tarasios: “You should have opened
your ears long ago and listened to the divine Apostle Paul, who says: ‘Stand
fast, and hold the traditions which ye have been taught, whether by word, or
our epistle’; and again, when writing to Timothy and Titus, he commands them to
‘shun profane and vain babblings.’ What could be more manifestly wrong, or what
could be more vain, than to call Christians idolaters?”
Gregory: “It was wrong, and we
confess that it was wrong, but this is what was done, and this is how we acted.
For this reason, we ask forgiveness for our transgressions. I confess, Master,
before your most revered Holiness and all the brethren of the Holy Synod, that
we have sinned, acted lawlessly, and done wrong; and we ask forgiveness for
this...”
B) Basil, Bishop of Ancyra, said:
“Wherefore I also, Bishop of the city of Ancyra, desiring to be united with the
Catholic Church... make this present written confession of mine and submit it
to you, who have received authority by apostolic right. In this confession, I
also beg forgiveness from your divinely assembled Beatitude for my delay. For I
ought not to have been late in confessing Orthodoxy; but this was due to my
extreme ignorance, sluggishness, and negligence of mind.”
C) “To the Holy and Ecumenical
Council, I, Theodosios (Bishop of Amorium), the least of Christians, confess,
agree, accept, and embrace... And for this reason, I beseech you, O saints of
God, and cry out: I have sinned against heaven and before you. Receive me as
God received the prodigal son, the harlot, and the thief. Seek me out as Christ
sought the lost sheep, which He took upon His shoulders.”
Savvas, the most devout Abbot of
the Monastery of Stoudios, said: “According to the Apostolic Ordinances and the
Ecumenical Councils, he is worthy of being received...”
Tarasios, the most holy
Patriarch, said: “Those who were once accusers of Orthodoxy have now become
defenders of the truth...”
D) The monks, taking up the
matter, said: “But the Father (Athanasius the Great) receives those who
were led astray and those who suffered coercion. Let them therefore say whether
they were led astray or subjected to coercion when they departed from the
truth.”
Hypatios and the bishops with him
said: “We neither suffered coercion nor were we led astray, but were born into
this heresy and were brought up and raised in it...”
And again, Thalassios, Eusebios,
and Eustathios, the most devout bishops, said: “We have all sinned; we all ask
forgiveness...” [24a]
Waiting Is
Unjustifiable
Who could desire a better
practical interpretation of the Sacred Canons? Who cannot discern in the
preceding Synodal texts the Apostolic and Patristic practice, as it was lived
until the time of the aforementioned Council Fathers? Being in complete agreement
with both the letter and the spirit of Scripture, the Canons, and the entire
Tradition, they consider that anyone who continues in communion with someone
preaching false doctrine thereby joins the faction of the one professing false
doctrine, as the Iconoclasts themselves acknowledged at the Council. At the
head of this faction stands, as its leader, the “pseudo-bishop” of the Canon,
who initiated the heresy. Conversely, those who have not remained in communion
with the one professing false doctrine constitute the healthy resistance of the
Church; in other words, they constitute its healthy part, which, when it
becomes possible, will judge all those who have joined the faction of the one
professing false doctrine, as occurred at the aforementioned Seventh Ecumenical
Council. This is what the history of our Church teaches; this is what we have
received from our Fathers to believe. Before such teaching, Fr. Epiphanios
ought to have humbled himself, rather than devising unnecessary and unjustified
arguments, thereby diminishing both himself and those who, in good faith,
believe his words.
Consequently, today, when heresy
has been preached for decades, when the actions and errors of the Ecumenical
Patriarchate that are contrary to the Faith become known to the pleroma of
the Church on the very day they occur, when everyone perceives and understands
the dreadful deviation of the bishops of the Phanar and those who follow in
their footsteps, when all these things are carried out openly, with approval,
and with premeditation, how can Orthodox bishops throughout the world, as well
as the clergy and people under their pastoral care, justify their condemnable
silence and communion with the aforementioned fallen hierarchs?
And to answer the question we
posed at the beginning, we write: God and His Church desire nothing more of the
Orthodox, at a time when heresy is being preached, as it is today, than that
they separate themselves from those who profess heresy and confess the truth
even unto death, until the time when Orthodoxy shines forth once again.
The Grave Question
of Communion
In Constantinople, communion with
heretics was openly and solemnly manifested. On June 6–7, 1981, Patriarch
Demetrios and those with him unfortunately entered into communion with
unrepentant heretics, Papists, Protestants, and others. They entered into
communion through joint celebration, joint prayer, concelebration, mutual
blessings, friendship, and unity, outside the Orthodox Christian Faith, or
rather, against it. For those who commune with heretics are “not... faithful” (Theodore
the Studite, PG 99, 1081).
The question of communion,
therefore, becomes more serious and more urgent. With regard to the position
adopted toward this question, five categories of Orthodox Christians may be
distinguished. The first consists of those who commune with heretics and perish,
“having suffered complete shipwreck concerning the Faith” (Theodore the
Studite, PG 99, 1157). The second consists of those Orthodox Christians
“who have not been overwhelmed in their thoughts, yet nevertheless perish
together with them through communion with the heresy” (ibid., PG
99, 1164). The third consists of those Orthodox Christians who are distressed
by what is taking place, “being Orthodox in their minds” (ibid., PG 99,
1164). Yet, being uncertain about what they should do, they remain in communion
with heretics, thereby becoming spiritually ailing and “stained (defiled)
through heretical communion” (ibid., PG 99, 1313). The fourth
category includes those who remain in communion with persons thus defiled. The
fifth category consists of Orthodox Christians who are Orthodox both in mind
and in practice. These wall themselves off from those who “obstinately” (Basil
the Great, BEPES 55, 330) persist in communion with those professing
false doctrine, and follow the path of strict canonical observance toward
salvation.
“For what fellowship hath
righteousness with unrighteousness?” (2 Cor. 6:14). Heresy is lawlessness
(Athanasius the Great, BEPES 32, 294). “And what communion hath light
with darkness?” (2 Cor. 6:14). Heresy is called “outer darkness” (John of
Damascus, M. 4, 1257). “And what concord hath Christ with Belial?” (2
Cor. 6:15). Heretics “belong to his faction” (Cyril of Alexandria, M. 4,
1117). “Or what part hath he that believeth with an infidel?” (2 Cor. 6:15).
Heretics “openly manifest their unbelief” (Athanasius the Great, BEPES 31,
225).
Let us Orthodox Christians stand
firmly with the Orthodox Faith and communion. Let us remain steadfast in the
divine light and the righteousness of Grace, “that we may attain unto Jesus
Christ” (Ignatius the God-bearer, BEPES 2, 275).
(Good Confession, January
1, 1980).
<…>
Remediable Ecclesiastical
Disputes
Examining more deeply and
carefully the definition of divisions given by Basil the Great, “We call
schisms those who have become divided from one another over certain
ecclesiastical matters and remediable issues,” we observe the following:
A) Remediable issues may
originate with those who separate themselves, as in the case of the
Eustathians, who rejected marriage and the eating of meat. In this case, the
remediable issue arose entirely and exclusively from them, through
misinterpretation of and disobedience to the teaching of the Church, whereas
those “from whom they became divided,” namely, the bishop, Synod, etc., bear no
responsibility whatsoever either for the emergence of the remediable issue or
for the subsequent separation of the Eustathians from the unity of the Church
on account of it.
B) There is, however, a case in
which the remediable issue is created by the bishop (or Synod), who acts
neither indiscriminately nor uncanonically, but, out of pastoral concern,
commendably endeavors to save an ailing portion of his flock. Certain faithful,
failing to interpret his action correctly (which may appear innovative and
contrary to tradition in letter and outward form, but in essence may be
blameless and praiseworthy), separate themselves from communion with him.
A classic example of such a case
from the ancient Church is the schism of the Cathari, who refused to receive
into communion those who had married twice and those who had fallen into sin;
and from more recent times, the schism of the Old Believers of Russia, who
rejected the correct and necessary liturgical reforms of their Church. Both the
Cathari and the Old Believers, although they desired to preserve what had been
handed down, were nevertheless condemned, since the changes in question
constituted necessary and obligatory reforms, rather than innovative and
reprehensible actions on the part of their Church. It is understood that,
before any change is introduced, every means must have been exhausted to
prepare the flock accordingly and thus avoid causing scandal among them. Unfortunately,
in the case of the Old Believers, the aforementioned pastoral precaution was
not observed.
C) There is, however, another
case in which the remediable issue is again created by the bishop (or the
Church), but is indeed minor and capable of being remedied. We refer, that is,
to the personal sins and transgressions of the bishop (“criminal accusations”),
on account of which the faithful are not permitted to separate themselves from
him, but must act with propriety and through the proper hierarchical channels,
so as to prevent a greater scandal. In other words, in the present case,
although the bishop is the source and cause of the remediable issue,
nevertheless, because of the private nature of the transgression, the person
who separates himself from the bishop is judged guilty of creating a schism,
notwithstanding the fact that the one who created the remediable issue will
also have to render a fearful account before God.
In light of the above, in order
to place the de facto schism that has arisen between the G.O.C. and the
New Calendarists in its proper category, it is necessary for us to become
acquainted, in addition to what has already been stated, with the relevant
teaching concerning divisions found in the Sacred Canons and in the Tradition
of Orthodoxy generally, so that our final judgment may conform as closely as
possible to the venerable practice of the ancient Church.
Necessary and Praiseworthy
Scissions
In light of what has been stated
above, the question arises: Can a bishop, Synod, etc., give rise only to
remediable issues? Certainly not, just as those under their pastoral care often
give rise not only to remediable issues but also to grievous heresies. In what
way, then, can a bishop become the cause of an irremediable issue within the
Church? Quite simply, when he publicly preaches or does something that
seriously violates piety and justice, in accordance with the 31st Apostolic
Canon, which states: “If any presbyter, despising his own bishop, assembles a
separate congregation and sets up another altar, without having found the
bishop guilty of anything concerning piety and justice (‘that is to say,
without knowing him to be manifestly heretical or unjust,’ according to the
wording of The Rudder), let him be deposed as one who is ambitious for
power...”
Interpreting the term “justice,”
Zonaras writes: “Contrary to duty and what is just” (S, II, 40), while
Blastares considers the distinguishing characteristics of “justice” to be
“living in a seemly manner and not harming others” (S, VI, 213).
Consequently, according to the aforementioned Canon, the clergy and people
under a bishop may break communion with him not only on account of heresy, but
also on account of any action by the bishop that is “contrary to duty and what
is just.” We have accepted that divisions should not be created on account of
the bishop’s personal sins or his private violations of the Canons. Here,
however, the Canon refers to heresy and injustice, that is, transgressions that
are not confined to the sinning bishop himself, but which violate, on the one
hand, the teaching of the Church and, on the other, the rights of the people
under his pastoral care. And while the letter of the Canon ends here, its
spirit extends further. For if the violation of the rights of the flock
constitutes grounds for separation from its shepherd, how could the same not
apply when the bishop publicly preaches contempt for and rejection of a written
or unwritten tradition? Is it not among his duties and the obligations he
assumed at his episcopal oath to observe all the Apostolic and Ecclesiastical
Ordinances and Canons, written and unwritten, in accordance with the Apostolic
injunction: “Stand fast, and hold the traditions,” which the Church later
supplemented and expressed in the words: “If anyone rejects any written or
unwritten tradition, let him be anathema”?
We observe that the same
principle expressed in the 31st Apostolic Canon is also set forth in Canons 13
and 14 of the First-Second Council of 861. According to these Canons, every
cessation of communion by a lower-ranking clergyman with his superior is severely
punished, provided, of course, that the ecclesiastical superiors are not
“impious or unjust,” according to the 31st Apostolic Canon, and that the
separation of their subordinates has occurred “merely because certain criminal
accusations may have been made against them” (Balsamon, S, II, 690).
Both Zonaras and Balsamon regard “sacrilege, simony, fornication,” and, more
generally, “violations of the Canons” as criminal charges or accusations. These
must always be understood as personal transgressions and not as the rejection
of or contempt for the Canonical Ordinances and Traditions of the Church
publicly manifested within the Church.
The aforementioned Council,
supplementing its Canons 13 and 14, proceeds in its 15th Canon to state clearly
and positively (since what was said above concerning “criminal accusations”
consists of expressions used by the interpreters and not by the Canons
themselves) in which case the person who separates himself is not only exempt
from punishment but, on the contrary, is even worthy of praise. It identifies
this as the case in which a bishop preaches heresy with uncovered head, that
is, openly and publicly.
But when the Fathers of the
First-Second Council use the word heresy in the aforementioned 15th Canon, do
they mean the term in its strict sense, that is, the distortion of dogmas
alone, or something broader? In this regard, Canon 4 of the same Council can be
of great assistance to us, for there the word heresy appears twice, referring
to Iconoclasm. If, however, we consider that Iconoclasm, at least in its
initial phase, constituted an overthrow of the forms of piety and worship, as
well as the ecclesiastical order of the Church, which are preserved and
expressed in the Sacred Canons and in the Tradition of Orthodoxy generally, it
becomes readily apparent that the Fathers of the Council understood the word
heresy in its broader sense, including the rejection of ecclesiastical
traditions. [25] Indeed, it is for this very reason that the Church likewise
subjects both heretics and those who despise her Traditions to anathema,
knowing full well that every rejection of or contempt for them strikes at the
very heart of the proclamation of salvation, the Gospel of Grace. “Those,
therefore, who dare to think or teach otherwise,” declares the Seventh
Ecumenical Council, “or, like the accursed heretics, to reject the
ecclesiastical traditions and devise some innovation... we command that they be
deposed” (Definition of the Seventh Ecumenical Council). In other words,
the Council also characterizes those who despise the Sacred Traditions as
heretics!
And as regards the Apostolic
Traditions, surely no one would dispute that their rejection constitutes just
grounds for the flock to break communion with those who despise them. But could
we assert the same concerning the other traditions, that is, the Ecclesiastical
Traditions? Certainly yes, since every rejection of them constitutes heresy.
Consequently, in accordance with
the above, we may rightly assert that what the 31st Apostolic Canon intended to
express by the terms “piety and justice” is contained in the word heresy in the
15th Canon of the First-Second Council. Moreover, we must not forget that “The
Sacred Canons do not constitute a self-contained, independent, and
self-sufficient part of the sources of Revelation, but are organically integrated
into the Sacred Tradition of the Church as a whole. They interpret Holy
Scripture and are themselves interpreted through it and by reference to the
entirety of Sacred Tradition.” [26] And the practice of the Church in this
regard teaches us that her faithful children have struggled not only in defense
of dogmas, but equally in defense of the Traditions whenever these were
despised by various impious persons throughout the centuries.
Saint Nicodemus is perfectly
clear on this matter. “Time will not permit me,” he writes, “to enumerate
countless examples of so many saints who suffered hardships and died for the
sake of the Ecclesiastical Ordinances and Canons” (Concerning Frequent
Communion, p. 108, 1962 edition).
In light of the above, any
insistence upon an interpretation based solely on the letter of the word heresy
in the 15th Canon of the First-Second Council, while disregarding its spirit
and the entire practice of the Church, would lead us to accept that, no matter
how much a bishop despises and rejects the Sacred Traditions, the clergy and
people under him cannot break communion with him, even if he were to abolish
the holy icons, the impediments to marriage, Monasticism, the fasts, the common
and prescribed order of worship, etc. But who could maintain such things
without becoming a Protestant?...
Final Judgments
In light of the above, the final
question arises: Can the consequences brought about by the calendar innovation
be regarded as a remediable issue, which therefore did not justify the
separation of the flock from those responsible for it, or, on the contrary, was
this separation necessary, in accordance with what has been stated? Wishing to
reduce these consequences to nothing, you write: “Our festal calendar, as we
have emphasized, is an ecclesiastical tradition. It constitutes boundaries set
by the Fathers, which must not be removed, and indeed are not being removed.
And in confirmation of this, we ask with boldness, courage, and audacity: Which
feast, even a single one, has been moved? Which has been abolished? Which has
ceased to exist? Not one, never.”
Your above statements constitute
a condemnable diversion from the subject, since the purpose of the festal
calendar is not merely to indicate to the faithful the feasts of the Church’s
annual cycle, thereby also regulating the fasts associated with them and the
other observances of the faithful, but also to ensure the COMMON observance of
all the above, as the Report of the Church of Greece itself clearly maintained!
When this is not achieved, that is, the celebration of feasts by common
agreement, we have a clear rejection of at least 50% of the Sacred Tradition of
the festal calendar! For when this common observance is not achieved,
especially on the great feasts, the external marks of the One Holy Church are disfigured,
and the Church, the image of the Heavenly Kingdom, presents an appearance of
confusion and disorder, which is not of God and, consequently, is not pleasing
to Him or to the Church Triumphant, which established and observed the
aforementioned good order.
For this very reason, the
calendar innovation of 1924 constitutes an action very closely akin to the Iconoclastic
reform, which, under the pretext of a purer and more spiritual worship,
attempted to overthrow what had been handed down! So too in this case: under
the pretext of greater chronological precision, but in reality motivated by a
heterodox desire for union with the heretics of the West, whom they had
officially described only three years earlier as “fellow heirs of the Kingdom
of God,” having also recognized Anglican ordinations shortly before the
Congress (1922), and at a time when the Greek world was mourning the Asia Minor
Catastrophe, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, in cooperation with the Church of
Greece, was overthrowing a centuries-old order in the sacred institution of
worship on a pan-Orthodox scale!!!
Even if the aforementioned
heterodox Congress had abolished the common celebration of only a single feast,
this still ought not to have been accepted by the faithful (and particularly by
the faithful within the jurisdiction of the Church of Greece, as well as those
within the Patriarchal jurisdiction, since the principal instigator of the
innovation was the Metaxakis–Papadopoulos duo), on account of its sinful
intentions. Consequently, the reaction of the Orthodox conscience to the
innovations introduced in 1924 was highly commendable and fully justified by
both the Sacred Canons and the practice of the Church.
And to be more specific regarding
the sinister aims of the supposedly “Pan-Orthodox” Congress of 1923, we cite
the following from its Acts. During one of its sessions, the Anglican Bishop
Gore, a specialist in matters concerning the Eastern Churches, appeared quite
unexpectedly and made, among other things, the following dreadful statements:
“...The second step (toward union) will be taken for us by the calendar
question, which will bring us to the common celebration of the feasts...
Yesterday I presented two documents to Your All-Holiness: one bears the
signatures of 5,000 Anglican priests declaring that they see no difficulty in
full union... The second document is a proposal concerning the terms of union”
(p. 87).
We ask: When were the above
signatures collected, and why? Was it not some considerable time beforehand,
and indeed immediately after the recognition of the priesthood of the
signatories, with the aim of achieving union with the Orthodox, using the Congress
of 1923 as a suitable instrument for accomplishing this unholy purpose? This
passage alone is sufficient to vindicate the people of God, who, with a
prophetic voice, proclaimed upon the change of the calendar, “They have turned
us into Franks [i.e., Latins],” and resisted with all their strength both the
external enemies of Orthodoxy and their own internal dictators and innovating
shepherds.
We hope that you will not dare to
characterize the events described above as “an extraneous alibi,” since they
occurred BEFORE the calendar innovation, nor will you again draw parallels
between them and the unilateral uncanonical actions of the period before 1920,
since the latter received no pan-Orthodox publicity or acceptance, being
entirely limited and isolated acts, of which the people were unaware and
consequently bore no responsibility whatsoever for failing to react.
Certainly, during the resistance
of the Old Calendarists, certain deviations from canonical propriety also
occurred, attributable chiefly to the leading hieromonks and monks of the
movement rather than to its Hierarchy, which, having been led astray—wrongly,
of course—sometimes agreed with them. The most serious of these deviations was
the declaration that Grace had been lost from the Church which introduced the
innovation. What you regard as their second serious deviation, namely, their
lack of communion with the Churches that retained the Old Calendar, is
unfounded, because, as is clearly recorded in the history of their movement,
they repeatedly sought communion with those Churches—so that, by convening a
Synod, the irregularity and uncanonical situation that had arisen might be
resolved—but without success, since those Churches preferred communion with the
innovators rather than with the Old Calendarists, who were weak in worldly
terms!
Consequently, in conclusion, we
note that the sacred struggle of the Old Calendarists is fully justified, on
the one hand, because of the unilateral change of the calendar, and, on the
other, because of the profoundly uncanonical intentions of the Congress of
1923, through which un-Orthodox forces—both internal and external—sought to
achieve, or rather to initiate, the union of falsehood with truth! For this
very reason, we characterize the scission that arose as praiseworthy, in
accordance with the 15th Canon of the First-Second Council and the patristic
saying: “It is possible to separate rightly.” [27] We also regard the Church of
Greece as chiefly responsible for creating not only the aforementioned
scission, but also the disruption of the liturgical unity of Orthodoxy as a
whole, something which rendered it “potentially schismatic” in relation to the
Churches that retained the Old Calendar.
Thus, the humble confessors of
the patristic Traditions, having proved faithful in little things, were found faithful
also in great things, namely, in confronting the present culmination of the
innovation of 1923, which is nothing other than undisguised false doctrine and
heresy.
With regard, however, to the
present [1976] leadership of the Old Calendarist struggle, we are obliged to
repeat here as well that we disagree entirely with the course of action being
followed [vis-à-vis, the affirmation of Matthewite ecclesiology in the
infamous Encyclical of 1974, among other issues], which, instead of diminishing
the errors of the past, is increasing them, with the result that their sacred
struggle has been utterly discredited. Its complete replacement would be most
desirable, but the decision on this matter rests with the most distinguished
and veteran members of their heroic Church, that is, those among the clergy and
laity who possess authority, boldness, and a deep concern over the deviation of
the sacred struggle, and who desire its restoration. [28]
Thanking you for your
hospitality,
I remain, with due respect,
THEODORETOS, Monk
Skete of St. Anne — Mount Athos
June 1976. [29]
Under
Excommunication and Deposition
The more detailed reports
concerning the recent meeting between the Pope and Patriarch Demetrios in
Constantinople add sorrow upon sorrow. For they demonstrate that the fall was
even greater.
As the ecumenist periodical Episkepsis
reports, these two did not concelebrate at one Liturgy, but at two: one
patriarchal and the other papal! On the evening of November 29, 1979, Demetrios
and those accompanying him “attended” the “Liturgy celebrated by... the Pope...
in the Roman Catholic Cathedral,” “wearing a mantle” and taking his place “at
the throne of the (papal) church.” As he entered the church, the papal
choir chanted a “special hymn” in his honor. And “at a certain point during
the... (heretical) Liturgy, the Pope came to the center of the solea and
exchanged a kiss of peace with the Patriarch” (Episkepsis, December 1,
1979, p. 7).
“On the following day, Friday,
November 30,” the Pope and those accompanying him “arrived... and attended” the
“Divine... Liturgy” of the Patriarchate. “In the narthex... he was received by
the Patriarch, who was wearing the full patriarchal vestments, including the
sakkos of Tiberias.” “The Pope was escorted to a specially prepared throne
opposite the Patriarchal Throne.” “At the ‘Let us love one another,’ the Pope
descended from his throne and the Patriarch came out of the Holy Sanctuary, and
they exchanged a kiss.” “The Pope recited the Lord’s Prayer in Latin” (Episkepsis,
December 1, 1979, pp. 11–12).
The aforementioned acts of
impiety testify that Patriarch Demetrios permitted the heresiarch Pope not
merely to perform “some” act as a clergyman, but unfortunately many such acts,
in joint prayer and indeed during the Divine Liturgy. That is, to attend the
Divine Liturgy as a clergyman. To sit during it upon a special throne as a
Bishop. To recite the Lord’s Prayer as a believer and an ordained clergyman. To
exchange a liturgical kiss with the Patriarch as the Archbishop of a Church of
Christ. To be received ecclesiastically by the Patriarch in the narthex of the
Holy Church as the Archbishop of the elder Church of Rome. To receive Demetrios
himself into joint prayer during a papal Liturgy as the first Bishop of
Christendom and an elder and beloved brother in Christ! And all these things in
flagrant violation of the Sacred Canons, including the 45th Apostolic Canon,
through which God commands: “Let a bishop, presbyter, or deacon who has merely
prayed together with heretics be excommunicated; but if he has permitted them
to perform any act as clergymen, let him be deposed.”
Patriarch Demetrios, therefore,
and those with him are, according to the Sacred Canons, both excommunicated and
deposed, as Saint Theodore the Studite says concerning Joseph, the violator of
the Sacred Canons: “According to them, the man is deposed” (PG 99, 998).
They must, however, be excommunicated and deposed by the competent
ecclesiastical authority, which, if it fails to carry out the will of the Lord,
is itself subject to judgment.
(Good Confession, January
1, 1980).
NOTES
11. PG 99, 1164A.
12. PG 160, 105C.
13. PG 99, 1049A.
14. Cf. in this regard the lives of Saints Maximos the
Confessor, John of Damascus, and Theodore the Studite, MANSI 4, 1096,
1256, and the most beautiful saying of Saint Nicodemus the Hagiorite: “Within
our own Hierarchy, when a priest or hierarch acts disorderly and holds
erroneous beliefs, even a deacon or monk who conducts himself properly and
holds correct beliefs may admonish them and restore them to proper order, as
the examples are exceedingly numerous” (Synaxarion, November 8, note).
15. Sp. Milias, A Most Comprehensive Collection of the
Sacred Canons... Venice 1761, Vol. I, p. 448.
16. The 31st Apostolic Canon and the 15th Canon of the
First-Second Council.
17. Archimandrite Epiphanios Theodoropoulos, Articles –
Studies – Letters, Vol. I, Athens 1981, pp. 215, 234.
18. MANSI 4, 1096; S. Milias, op. cit., Vol.
II, pp. 449–450.
18a. “There was in Constantinople a bishop named Dorotheos,
who held the same beliefs as he did, a man given to flattery and rash in
speech, as it is written. During an assembly, while the most reverend Nestorius
of Constantinople was seated upon the throne of the Church, this man stood up
and dared to proclaim in a loud voice: ‘If anyone says that Mary is the
Theotokos, let him be anathema.’ Thereupon a great outcry arose among all the
people, and they rushed out, for they no longer wished to remain in communion
with those who held such beliefs. Thus, even now, the people of Constantinople
remain separated from their assemblies, except for a few less steadfast
individuals and those who flatter him. Almost all the monasteries and their
archimandrites, as well as many members of the Senate, likewise refuse to
assemble with them, fearing that their faith might be harmed by him and those
accompanying him, whom he brought with him when he came up from Antioch, all of
whom speak perverse things.” (Letter of Cyril of Alexandria to Celestine,
Bishop of Rome, Acts, Vol. I, p. 443. Cf. ibid., pp. 451, 455).
19. ACTA SANCTORUM, November, Vol. II, p. 267.
20. “Yesterday... the Patriarch declared to me, saying: ‘To
which Church do you belong? To that of Byzantium? Rome? Antioch? Alexandria?
Behold, all these have been united, together with the provinces under their
jurisdiction. If, therefore, you belong to the Catholic Church, unite yourself
with them, lest, by introducing a strange way of life, you suffer something you
do not expect.’ To them I replied: ‘The God of all, having blessed Peter for
his correct confession of Him, declared that the Catholic Church is the right
and saving confession of faith in Him...’
“‘Hear, then,’ they said. ‘It has been decided by the Emperor
and the Patriarch, by order of the Pope of Rome, that if you do not obey, you
shall be anathematized and suffer the death they have decreed.’ And the Saint
replied: ‘May that which God ordained for me before all ages be brought to
fulfillment, bringing Him the glory which He foreknew before all ages...’” (PG
99, 132A–C).
21. PG 99, 1177D, 1205B, 1365A–B, 1636–1637.
22. Ibid., 1669A.
22a. Concerning the interpretation of the 15th Canon of the
First-Second Council, see also what is written in the study by the Athonite
Fathers, Division and Apostasy, Athens 1981, pp. 34–38.
23. a) “A man that is an heretic after the first and second
admonition reject; Knowing that he that is such is subverted, and sinneth,
being condemned of himself.” (Titus 3:10–11).
b) “But though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other
gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be
accursed.” (Gal. 1:8).
c) To hold fast to the traditions as we have been taught,
whether by word or by the epistles of the Apostles, and to continue in the
things which we have learned and have been assured of; and not to be led astray
or intimidated by adversaries, but to watch, stand fast in the Faith, and
become steadfast and immovable. (1 Thess. 5; 2 Thess. 2; 1 Cor. 15, 16; 2 Cor.
13; 2 Tim. 3).
24. “Flee therefore heresies, for they are inventions of the
devil” (Saint Ignatius). “Turn away from all heresies, as from beasts bearing
deadly venom, concerning which I have also instructed you in writing...” (Saint
Epiphanios).
24a. Sp. Milias, A Most Comprehensive Collection...,
Vol. II, pp. 729–742.
25. “Heretics are not only those who reject the divine
dogmas, but also those who reject the divine law, both evangelical and
canonical, including even the canonically established order of the Church.” (Good
Confession, January 1981, p. 3).
26. V. Pheidas, Historical-Canonical and Ecclesiastical
Prerequisites for the Interpretation of the Sacred Canons, Athens 1972, p.
52.
27. “It is possible to separate rightly. For there is also an
evil concord, just as there is a good disagreement.” John Chrysostom, PG
59, 314.
28. The Zealot Fathers on Mount Athos should likewise follow
their example as soon as possible, provided, of course, that they first come to
understand that they constitute a pleroma of the Ecumenical Patriarchate
which protests and struggles in defense of the Sacred Traditions, and not... a
parish of the G.O.C. of Greece on Mount Athos!
29. It should be noted that, although the above study had
been submitted in good time for publication in Orthodoxos Typos, as a
contribution to the dialogue then taking place between New Calendarists and Old
Calendarists, the newspaper’s management nevertheless refused to publish it,
even though much later it described the study as “perhaps the most noteworthy”
contribution from the Old Calendarist side.
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