Wednesday, October 28, 2026

Priests Receive Letter Concerning the Establishment of a New Church in Cyprus

Divine Liturgy and Holy Mysteries Celebrated in a Private Residence in Paphos – Tychikos Summoned Before the Holy Synod

October 28, 2026 | philenews

 

 

The Church of Cyprus appears to be entering a new period of turmoil following the latest reports indicating that the Holy Synod has summoned the suspended Bishop Tychikos, former Metropolitan of Paphos, to appear before it and answer questions concerning matters that appear to have arisen recently and may involve him.

The meeting of the Holy Synod has been scheduled for today. However, despite having been invited to attend, Bishop Tychikos has reportedly given neither a positive nor a negative response, a fact that further complicates his position and leaves the members of the Holy Synod even more concerned about how to proceed with the case.

Although the precise reasons for summoning Bishop Tychikos to appear before the Holy Synod have not been made known, it is believed that one of the principal reasons is his persistent refusal to sign the libellus in the form presented to him by the Synod, without leaving any room for suspicion concerning a possible walling-off or distancing himself from the teachings and positions upheld by the Church of Cyprus.

Meanwhile, another matter that has recently been occupying the attention of the Holy Synod is the fact that a letter, signed by five individuals, has been sent to all the priests of Paphos, as well as to a large number of priests in other districts, with the aim of persuading them to leave the Church of Cyprus and establish a new Church that would, in effect, oppose the Holy Synod and its decisions.

According to exclusive information obtained by philenews, these initiatives appear to originate from supporters of walling-off, who have never accepted what transpired in Paphos, namely, the removal of the suspended Bishop Tychikos from his position as Metropolitan of Paphos, following his refusal to sign the libellus in the form requested of him by the Holy Synod.

The distribution of the letter to the entire clergy of Cyprus appears to have begun three months ago, with the Holy Synod monitoring the situation without intervening. However, beginning today, following the conclusion of the meeting of the Holy Synod, it appears that significant developments and decisive actions are to be expected.

According to the same sources, another development that is causing concern within the Church of Cyprus may also be brought before the Holy Synod. This concerns reports that a priest from a Slavic country has allegedly been celebrating the Divine Liturgy on Sundays in a private residence belonging to an individual who had been actively involved in the dispute that erupted between the former Metropolitan Tychikos and the Holy Synod of Cyprus, taking the former's side. Indeed, it has been reported that the Mystery of the Holy Eucharist is also being celebrated within this private residence.

It is also rumored that the reason some have decided to stop attending the churches and instead gather in a private residence is their refusal to accept the appointment of Bishop Gregory to the Metropolitan throne, following the decision of the Holy Synod to suspend the former Metropolitan Tychikos.

Today's meeting of the Holy Synod of the Church of Cyprus, as well as, it appears, the meetings immediately to follow, will have to address serious issues that can only be resolved through decisive measures and far-reaching reforms.

No specific information has been leaked concerning the course of action the members of the Holy Synod are considering. Consequently, the statements expected this afternoon from Archbishop Georgios and the other members of the Holy Synod are being awaited with great anticipation.

 

Greek source:

https://www.philenews.com/kipros/koinonia/article/1787183/ieris-elavan-epistoli-gia-dimiourgia-neas-ekklisias-stin-kipro-thia-litourgia-ke-mistiria-se-idiotiki-katikia-stin-pafo-klithike-stin-iera-sinodo-o-tichikos/

 

Believing in God and Knowing God: What Is the Difference?

October 28, 2026

 

 

It is one thing to believe that God exists, and quite another to know Him. A person may spend years hearing about God, reading about Him, and studying what others have said about Him, and yet remain far from Him. The Holy Fathers insist that there is a difference between knowing things about God and truly coming to know Him.

St. Nikolai of Serbia offers a simple illustration. If someone wishes to form an idea of the pyramids of Egypt, he must either trust those who have been in their immediate vicinity or approach them himself. There is no third possibility. In the same way, a person may form an impression of God. He must either trust those who have stood, and continue to stand, in close proximity to God, or make the effort himself to attain that closeness. Nevertheless, even the testimony of those who have drawn near to God cannot convey to us the experience itself.

St. Basil the Great expresses this more profoundly. Just as it is impossible to describe in words the sweetness of honey to someone who has never tasted it, so too the goodness of God cannot be clearly conveyed through teaching unless we ourselves are able to enter into the goodness of the Lord through personal experience. Therefore, the question is not simply, “What do I know about God?” The deeper question is whether I am truly drawing near to Him. And what is remarkable is that this closeness does not depend on wealth, education, fame, or power.

St. Silouan the Athonite writes that many wealthy and powerful people would pay dearly to see the Lord or His Most Holy Mother. God, however, reveals Himself not through wealth, but to the humble heart. Even the poorest person can be humble and come to know God. To know God, one needs neither money nor fame, but only humility. Thus, the journey begins not by becoming great, but by becoming humble. Humility, however, must become a way of life.

St. Silouan continues: No matter how much we study, we cannot come to know God unless we live according to His commandments. For God is known not through scientific knowledge, but through the Holy Spirit.

Many philosophers and learned men came to believe in the existence of God, yet they did not come to know Him. For it is one thing to believe that God exists, and quite another to know Him. The Saint then presents us with the evidence of this knowledge. If someone has come to know God through the Holy Spirit, his soul will burn day and night with love for God, and he will be unable to become attached to anything earthly. Here, knowledge becomes life. The person who truly seeks God begins by learning to remember that God is already near him.

St. Gennadios of Constantinople says: “Always have the fear of God in your heart, and remember that God is always with you, everywhere, whether you are walking or sitting.” This remembrance transforms our daily lives. God is present not only during moments of prayer or worship, but also when we walk, when we sit, when we work, when we speak, and when we face the things that ordinarily occupy our minds. And when we remember His presence, our hearts are called to place their trust in Him.

St. Barsanuphius the Great says: “Having God, fear nothing, but cast all your cares upon Him, and He will take care of you. Believe without doubting, and God will help you according to His mercy.” This means that the things which trouble us need not become the things that rule over us. We can entrust our cares to God, turn to Him before fear overwhelms us, and trust in His mercy even when we cannot see what lies ahead. Trust in God, however, does not mean withdrawing from other people.

St. Maximus the Confessor points out the proper order. “You must love every person with all your soul, but place your hope in the one God and serve Him alone. Love every person, hope in God, serve Him, and remain under His protection, knowing that, as long as He protects us and our friends, the angels help us, and our enemies, the demons, cannot do us harm.”

St. Seraphim of Sarov then explains why this trust must become a constant way of life, rather than a response that arises only in times of need. “If someone takes no thought at all for himself, for the sake of love for God and the performance of good works, knowing that God cares for him, this is true and wise hope. But if someone attends to his own affairs and turns to God in prayer only when calamities befall him that are beyond his strength, and only then begins to hope in God, such hope is vain and false. True hope seeks only the Kingdom of God.” The heart cannot find peace until it acquires such hope. This hope brings tranquility to the heart and gives birth to joy within it. Thus, the practical question becomes very specific: Where does our hope truly lie? Is God the One to Whom we turn only when we have no other recourse, or have we begun to entrust our entire lives into His hands? This trust becomes easier when we learn to recognize His providence.

St. Basil the Great teaches us not to say, “This happened by chance, while that came about of its own accord.” In all that exists, there is nothing disorderly, nothing indeterminate, nothing without purpose, nothing accidental. How many hairs are there on your head? God will not forget even one of them. Do you see, then, that nothing, not even the smallest thing, escapes the sight of God? Ilias Miniatis says the same thing on a broader scale. It is an indisputable truth that the supreme divine providence governs the whole of creation. God foresees all things and cares for everything. This is the divine, fatherly care of which the blessed Apostle Peter speaks: “Cast all your cares upon Him, for He careth for you.”

God's providence, however, has a purpose that transcends our personal comfort. St. Maximus the Confessor tells us that the purpose of divine providence is to unite, through right faith and spiritual love, those who have been separated because of evil. It was for this purpose that the Savior suffered on our behalf, so that He might gather together into one the scattered children of God. Therefore, to trust in divine providence also means to participate in the work of reconciliation that He accomplishes. Thus, the spiritual life becomes manifest in the way we perceive things and in the way we live.

St. John of Kronstadt writes that a person becomes spiritual to the extent that he lives a spiritual life. He begins to see God in all things, to discern His power and might in their every manifestation. Always and everywhere, he sees himself as abiding in God and depending upon Him for everything. Conversely, to the extent that a person lives a carnal life, he concerns himself with carnal things. He sees God in nothing, not even in the most wondrous manifestations of His divine power. In everything, everywhere, and at all times, he sees only the body and matter. God is not before his eyes.

The world may remain the same, but the eyes through which we behold it can change. And when the soul begins to know God in this way, St. Silouan describes something even more profound: “When the soul comes to know the love of God through the Holy Spirit, it clearly feels that the Lord is our own Father, the closest, the dearest, the best of fathers. And there is no greater happiness than to love God with all one's mind and heart, and one's neighbor as oneself. When this love dwells within the soul, then all things bring it joy.”

But what if we do not feel this love? St. Silouan gives us no reason to despair. “Do not be troubled if you do not feel the love of God within yourself. Rather, remember the Lord and that He is merciful. Guard yourself against sin, and the grace of God will teach you.”

Remember the Lord and guard yourself against sin. Continue the spiritual struggle, and the grace of God will teach you. And this teaching takes place through practice.

St. Simeon of Dajbabe offers a striking illustration. When you place a nail in the fire, it heats up and begins to glow like the fire itself. In the same way, when you listen to the divine teachings and live according to them, you too will become like God. Listen and live according to what you hear. Remain close to the fire, and little by little, the life of faith becomes an experience of the soul.

The soul that has come to know God fully no longer desires anything else, nor does it become attached to anything earthly. Even if you were to offer it a kingdom, it would not desire it. For the love of God bestows such sweetness and joy upon the soul that not even the life of a king can offer it comparable sweetness.

 

SOURCES:

St. Nikolai of Serbia — Thoughts on Good and Evil

St. Basil the Great — Homilies on the Psalms, 29

St. Silouan the Athonite — Writings, I.11, 21; VIII.3; IX.13; IX.15; IX.16

St. Gennadios of Constantinople — The Golden Chain, 14

St. Barsanuphius the Great — Teachings, 166

St. Maximus the Confessor — Four Hundred Texts on Love, IV.17; IV.95

St. Seraphim of Sarov — Works, 4

Ilias Miniatis — Sermon for Great Lent, 1

St. John of Kronstadt — My Life in Christ, I.5

St. Simeon of Dajbabe — Sayings, 26

 

Greek source: https://entoytwnika1.blogspot.com/2026/10/blog-post_58.html

 

Outline and Summary of “The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill”

ChatGPT-6.0 generated on October 28, 2026, per a reader’s request.

 

 

Silouan Wright and Panagiotis Makris | 915-page PDF | 34 chapters, 10 parts, 2 appendices

I. General Overview

The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill: Actions Contrary to the Orthodox Faith is an extensive theological and canonical critique of Patriarch Kirill (Gundyayev) of Moscow and All Russia. Its authors argue that his public teachings, ecclesiastical activities, and relationship with the Russian state constitute departures from Orthodox doctrine and the received tradition of the Church.

The work is particularly concerned with the apparent contradiction between the Moscow Patriarchate's reputation as a defender of traditional Orthodoxy and its actual involvement in ecumenism, religious universalism, political nationalism, and the theological justification of warfare.

Its central thesis is that Patriarch Kirill has publicly preached and promoted teachings contrary to the Orthodox Faith and that Orthodox Christians consequently have canonical grounds to cease commemorating him under Canon 15 of the First-Second Council of Constantinople (861), without waiting for his formal synodal condemnation.

The authors also insist upon an important qualification: cessation of commemoration must not be confused with establishing a separate ecclesiastical jurisdiction, declaring the Mysteries of the Moscow Patriarchate graceless, or joining a parallel Orthodox hierarchy.

Their proposed solution is therefore resistance to what they identify as heresy while preserving canonical ecclesiastical order.

The book's argument proceeds through three broad stages:

  1. Documentation of the alleged departures from Orthodoxy: Kirill's relationship with Rome, ecumenism, his Soviet inheritance, Russian nationalism, and his theology of war.
  2. Theological and canonical justification for resistance: the teaching of the Fathers, historical examples of cessation of commemoration, and the relationship between heresy, synodal condemnation, and ecclesiastical communion.
  3. Practical application: the situation of ROCOR, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the danger of schismatic alternatives, and the responsibility of clergy and laity to defend Orthodox doctrine.

The introduction states that the authors have assembled more than 100 direct citations from Patriarch Kirill and over 1,000 passages from patristic, conciliar, canonical, and contemporary Orthodox sources. Many of Kirill's statements are reproduced in Russian, with references to official Moscow Patriarchate publications.

The work is thus a substantial anti-ecumenist and ecclesiological polemic, not merely a criticism of the Russian government's conduct in Ukraine.

II. Detailed Outline of the Book

The following outline preserves the book's ten-part organization and all 34 chapter titles. Page references are to the uploaded PDF.

Part I. Ecumenism with Rome (Chapters 1–4, pp. 17–80)

Chapter 1. Recognition of the Pope (pp. 17–39)

Examines Patriarch Kirill's February 2016 meeting with Pope Francis in Havana. The authors criticize the encounter, the exchange of the traditional Christian kiss, and the ecclesiastical recognition they believe these gestures imply. They invoke St. Paisios the Athonite, St. Justin Popovich, St. Mark of Ephesus, St. Symeon of Thessalonica, and the 1980 Athonite declaration against compromising dialogue with Rome.

Chapter 2. The Havana Declaration (pp. 40–62)

Analyzes the joint declaration signed by Kirill and Francis. The authors argue that its references to Christian unity, Catholic ecclesiastical identity, and shared Christian witness compromise Orthodox ecclesiology. They particularly object to language suggesting that the Orthodox Church and Roman Catholicism constitute two ecclesiastical bodies requiring reunion.

Chapter 3. The Selective Standard: Havana vs Crete (pp. 63–72)

Compares the response of anti-ecumenist Orthodox Christians to the 2016 Council of Crete with their response to Kirill's Havana Declaration. The authors contend that many who denounced Crete remained conspicuously silent about Moscow's comparable, or more serious, concessions to ecumenism.

Chapter 4. The Permanent Partnership with Rome (pp. 73–80)

Documents continued Moscow–Vatican cooperation after Havana, including Kirill's response to the death of Pope Francis and his correspondence with Pope Leo XIV. The authors argue that Kirill's ecumenical activities constitute an enduring ecclesiastical policy rather than an isolated diplomatic incident.

Central argument: The Moscow Patriarchate should be judged by the same anti-ecumenist standards applied to Constantinople. Russian ecclesiastical affiliation does not exempt its hierarchs from the canonical and patristic tradition.

Part II. Religious Universalism (Chapters 5–8, pp. 81–175)

Chapter 5. Muslims and Orthodox Pray to the Same God (pp. 81–102)

Presents Kirill's statements concerning the relationship between Orthodox Christianity and Islam, particularly his assertion that Muslims and Orthodox Christians pray to the same God. The authors interpret this as a doctrinal departure from Orthodox Trinitarian theology. They contrast his statements with St. John of Damascus and Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev.

Chapter 6. Recognizing Roman Catholic Saints and Sacred Spaces (pp. 103–117)

Examines Kirill's recognition of Roman Catholic sacred objects, places, and religious figures, including the reception of Catholic relics. The authors argue that ecclesiastical recognition of sanctity outside Orthodoxy undermines the traditional doctrine of the Church as the unique ark of salvation.

Chapter 7. The World Council of Churches: "The Cradle of a United Church" (pp. 118–152)

An extensive examination of Moscow's participation in the World Council of Churches, Kirill's involvement in the ecumenical movement, and the theological assumptions behind WCC membership. Particular attention is given to ROCOR's historical anti-ecumenist witness, Metropolitan Philaret's Sorrowful Epistles, and the 1983 Anathema Against Ecumenism.

Chapter 8. Praying with Monophysites (pp. 153–175)

Investigates Kirill's religious encounters with Armenian Apostolic hierarchs. The authors argue that common prayer with non-Chalcedonian clergy violates the prohibitions against prayer with heretics, particularly Apostolic Canon 45 and related canonical legislation.

Central argument: The authors regard Kirill's teaching and activities as expressions of an ecclesiological universalism that diminishes the exclusive claims of Orthodox Christianity.

Part III. Sergianism, KGB, and the Soviet Legacy (Chapters 9–13, pp. 176–349)

Chapter 9. Glorifying Sergianism and the KGB Church (pp. 176–238)

One of the book's longest and most historically significant chapters.

The authors examine Metropolitan Sergius's 1927 Declaration of Loyalty to the Soviet government, the response of the Russian confessors and New Martyrs, and Kirill's subsequent defense of Sergius as a faithful churchman.

They contrast Kirill's presentation with the testimony of Metropolitan Joseph of Petrograd, Metropolitan Cyril of Kazan, Bishop Victor of Glazov, and other hierarchs who rejected Sergius's ecclesiastical policies.

The chapter argues that Kirill has effectively rehabilitated Sergianism rather than repudiating the accommodation of the Church to a persecuting state.

Chapter 10. "Eternal Memory" for the Anathematized (pp. 239–247)

Criticizes the liturgical commemoration of figures associated with Soviet ecclesiastical compromise, especially Metropolitan Sergius. The authors discuss the significance of proclaiming "Memory Eternal" in the Church's liturgical tradition and the distinction between commemorating Orthodox confessors and honoring those judged to have betrayed them.

Chapter 11. "Viva Cuba!" Kirill, Cuba, and Fidel Castro (pp. 248–268)

Examines Kirill's relations with Fidel Castro and communist Cuba. The authors argue that his favorable treatment of Castro demonstrates the continuing Sergianist tendency to prioritize political alliances over the Church's confession against atheistic communism.

Chapter 12. Denying the Ottoman Neomartyrs (pp. 269–275)

Criticizes statements by Kirill concerning Christian life under Ottoman rule. The authors contend that these statements minimize or contradict the historical witness of the Orthodox Neomartyrs who suffered persecution and martyrdom.

Chapter 13. KGB and the DECR (pp. 276–349)

Another particularly extensive chapter. It investigates the Soviet intelligence services' penetration of the Moscow Patriarchate and its Department for External Church Relations, which Kirill headed from 1989 to 2009.

The authors draw upon archival documentation, testimonies of former Soviet officials, the Mitrokhin Archive, and historical studies of religious institutions during the Soviet period.

They argue that the relationship between the Moscow Patriarchate and Soviet state security was institutional and systematic, not merely occasional collaboration by individual clergymen.

Central argument: Sergianism did not end with the Soviet Union. The authors regard Kirill's ecclesiastical policies as evidence of its continued influence within the Moscow Patriarchate.

Part IV. Nationalism and Heavenly Citizenship (Chapters 14–15, pp. 350–392)

Chapter 14. Russian World Ethnophyletism (pp. 350–372)

Examines the ideology of the Russkiy Mir ("Russian World"), particularly the assertion that Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians constitute one historical and spiritual people.

The authors compare this ideology with the condemnation of ethnophyletism by the Council of Constantinople in 1872.

They distinguish legitimate patriotism from the elevation of national or ethnic identity into an ecclesiological principle.

Chapter 15. Uranopolitism vs Nationalism (pp. 373–392)

Develops the teaching of Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev concerning heavenly citizenship, or uranopolitism.

According to this understanding, Christians belong principally to the Kingdom of Heaven rather than to any earthly nationality.

The authors contrast Sysoev's teachings with Kirill's presentation of Russian national identity and Russia's supposedly unique spiritual mission.

Central argument: The Church transcends ethnicity, nation, and political civilization. No state or national identity can become a substitute for the unity of Orthodox faith.

Part V. War Theology and Holy Russia (Chapters 16–22, pp. 393–563)

This is the book's largest sustained theological argument against Patriarch Kirill's support for Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Chapter 16. Does Dying in War Wash Away All Our Sins? (pp. 393–433)

Examines Kirill's September 25, 2022, statement concerning soldiers who die in military service and the forgiveness of their sins.

The authors argue that death in battle cannot automatically confer forgiveness of sins or the spiritual benefits associated with Christian martyrdom.

They develop this argument through Orthodox soteriology, repentance, the penitential canons, and St. Basil the Great's teaching on killing in warfare.

Chapter 17. Can War Be Called Holy? (pp. 434–456)

Criticizes the theological designation of the conflict in Ukraine as a "Holy War." The chapter also investigates the theological justification of nuclear weapons and interpretations of Russia as the katechon, the power restraining the Antichrist.

The authors argue that the sacralization of military violence contradicts Orthodox teaching.

Chapter 18. The Canonical Verdict: Clergy in Military Affairs (pp. 457–462)

Applies Apostolic Canons 6, 81, and 83 to the involvement of clergy in military and political affairs. The chapter distinguishes legitimate pastoral ministry to soldiers from participation in, or endorsement of, military operations.

Chapter 19. When Can War Be Considered Self-Defense? (pp. 463–487)

Examines the circumstances in which armed defense may be permitted by Orthodox moral teaching.

The authors employ the examples of the Russian saints, Metropolitan Anthony Khrapovitsky, Sts. Boris and Gleb, and St. Basil's canonical tradition.

They conclude that the invasion of Ukraine cannot be justified as legitimate Christian self-defense.

Chapter 20. The Heavenly Kingdom: St. Lazar's Choice (pp. 488–495)

Uses the example of the Serbian Prince-Martyr Lazar and the Battle of Kosovo as a theological counterpoint to Russian war ideology.

The authors emphasize the saint's preference for the Heavenly Kingdom over earthly power and political victory.

Chapter 21. What Happens to Priests Who Pray for Peace? (pp. 496–507)

Documents disciplinary action taken against clergy who opposed the war or refused prescribed liturgical prayers.

The authors view these measures as evidence that political allegiance has displaced freedom of Orthodox confession within the Moscow Patriarchate.

Chapter 22. What Did Patriarch Kirill Bless? (pp. 508–563)

Examines the human consequences of the war: civilian deaths, destruction of homes, damaged churches, the suffering of Ukrainian Orthodox clergy, and the suppression of antiwar opposition.

The authors connect these events to Kirill's public endorsement of the war and his refusal to repudiate its religious justification.

Central argument: The theology of the "Russian World" has progressed beyond nationalism into a form of political soteriology, in which sacrifice for the state is presented as spiritually salvific.

Part VI. The Case for Cessation (Chapters 23–26, pp. 564–729)

The principal ecclesiological and canonical section

Chapter 23. The Saints Who Ceased Commemoration (pp. 564–611)

This chapter argues that cessation of commemoration before synodal condemnation is an established practice within Orthodox Tradition.

The authors assemble examples from the lives of St. Maximus the Confessor, St. Hypatius, St. Mark of Ephesus, the Russian New Martyrs, and other confessors.

They examine the meaning of liturgical commemoration and argue that commemorating a hierarch expresses ecclesiastical communion with that hierarch.

Special attention is given to Canon 15 of the First-Second Council, Metropolitan Sergius's 1930 position against non-commemorators, and the historical position of ROCOR.

Chapter 24. On Heresy, Synods, and Right Belief (pp. 612–667)

Investigates how heresy is recognized and what authority is necessary to identify it.

The chapter maintains that a synod does not create heresy by condemning it; rather, synodal judgments formally recognize and condemn doctrinal errors already contrary to the received Orthodox Faith.

The authors distinguish the recognition of a heretical teaching from formal ecclesiastical deposition or excommunication.

Chapter 25. Why Communion with Heresy Requires Separation (pp. 668–700)

Develops the argument that communion with publicly preached heresy carries spiritual consequences, even when the communicant does not personally subscribe to the error.

The authors distinguish between the objective existence of the Mysteries and the spiritually harmful consequences of receiving them within a context of heretical ecclesiastical communion.

They also explicitly reject the Donatist proposition that a minister's personal sin automatically invalidates the Mysteries.

Chapter 26. "You're Not a Saint" (pp. 701–729)

Responds to objections that only saints, elders, or bishops possess the authority to cease commemoration.

The authors maintain that the canonical right of resistance is not restricted to persons possessing exceptional holiness.

They also address the situations of believers who remain in compromised ecclesiastical circumstances through ignorance, necessity, or lack of alternatives. The chapter distinguishes pastoral accommodation from the stricter standard that the authors regard as normative.

Central argument: Resistance to public heresy, including cessation of commemoration before conciliar judgment, can be canonically justified without declaring a hierarch formally deposed or establishing a separate ecclesiastical body.

Part VII. Ukraine: Canonical Witness (Chapters 27–28, pp. 730–749)

Chapter 27. Understanding the Ukrainian Churches (pp. 730–739)

Distinguishes the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), headed by Metropolitan Onuphry, from the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), established through Constantinople's intervention.

The authors reject the canonical legitimacy of the OCU and defend the ecclesiastical standing of Metropolitan Onuphry.

Chapter 28. The UOC Ceases Commemoration (pp. 740–749)

Examines the cessation of Patriarch Kirill's commemoration within the UOC following the 2022 invasion.

The authors emphasize the Council of May 27, 2022, and the appeal signed by hundreds of Ukrainian priests calling for canonical action concerning Kirill.

The UOC is presented as a contemporary example of resistance to a compromised patriarch without submitting to the rival jurisdiction created by Constantinople.

Central argument: The faithful can reject both Moscow's theological departures and Constantinople's canonical intervention. The authors consider the UOC's position an example of this distinction.

Part VIII. Against Misuse (Chapters 29–30, pp. 750–789)

Chapter 29. Correct Critique Is Not a Bridge to Schism (pp. 750–771)

Warns against using legitimate criticism of Patriarch Kirill to justify joining the OCU or independent traditionalist jurisdictions.

The authors criticize Sister Vassa Larin, Archimandrite Cyril Hovorun, and the Old Calendarist movement, arguing that their responses to ecclesiastical disorders introduce additional canonical problems.

Nevertheless, the authors acknowledge that the failures of the official ecclesiastical authorities have helped create the conditions in which traditionalist divisions arise.

Chapter 30. In Defense of the Moscow Patriarchate Saints (pp. 772–789)

Addresses the fact that certain revered Russian churchmen defended or accommodated Sergianism.

The authors examine Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev, Elder John Krestiankin, and St. Luke of Crimea.

Drawing upon St. Photius and St. Barsanuphius, they argue that even saints may hold mistaken opinions without losing their sanctity.

Central argument: Opposition to heresy must not become an indiscriminate rejection of the saints, clergy, faithful, and Mysteries associated with a compromised ecclesiastical administration.

Part IX. The COVID Protocols (Chapters 31–32, pp. 790–821)

Chapter 31. The COVID Orders (pp. 790–801)

Examines the liturgical and pastoral directives adopted under Kirill during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The authors object particularly to the disinfection of Communion spoons, restrictions upon venerating sacred objects, limitations on church attendance, and the spiritual interpretation of such measures.

They argue that these policies compromised Orthodox Eucharistic teaching.

Chapter 32. Blessed Disobedience or Evil Obedience? (pp. 802–821)

Examines the canonical and spiritual limits of obedience to ecclesiastical superiors.

The authors distinguish legitimate ecclesiastical obedience from submission to commands that contradict Orthodox doctrine or the received tradition of the Church.

They invoke St. John Chrysostom, St. Theodore the Studite, St. Paisios, and the canonical tradition to argue that fidelity to the Faith takes precedence over unconditional obedience to individual hierarchs.

Central argument: Obedience to the Church cannot be equated with unquestioning obedience to ecclesiastical officeholders.

Part X. The Defense of Faith Over Institution (Chapters 33–34, pp. 822–870)

Chapter 33. Joe Wilson (pp. 822–861)

Examines the controversy arising from American Congressman Joe Wilson's November 2025 statements concerning ROCOR and possible Russian intelligence influence.

Particular attention is paid to Bishop Luke of Syracuse's response and the broader defense of ROCOR by its supporters.

The authors contrast the rapid institutional response to political criticism with what they consider the absence of equally forceful opposition to Kirill's theological errors.

They argue that ecclesiastical reputation has been defended more vigorously than Orthodox doctrine.

Chapter 34. "Tell Him His Fault Between You and Him Alone"? (pp. 862–870)

Examines the common argument that criticism of hierarchs must begin privately, according to Matthew 18:15–16.

The authors distinguish private personal offenses from publicly taught doctrinal errors.

They argue that public heresy can require public opposition and that the obligation to preserve the Faith must not be nullified by an inappropriate application of the Gospel's instructions for private correction.

Central argument: The defense of Orthodoxy must take precedence over institutional reputation, ecclesiastical diplomacy, and misplaced appeals to obedience.

Conclusion and Appendices (pp. 871–915)

Conclusion (pp. 871–883)

Recapitulates the accusations concerning ecumenism, Sergianism, nationalism, war, and liturgical compromise. The authors call clergy and laity to reject indifference, recognize the canonical legitimacy of cessation of commemoration, and defend the Orthodox Faith without creating new schisms.

Appendix A. On Consensus Patrum (pp. 884–897)

Explains the authors' understanding of the consensus of the Fathers as the authoritative criterion for determining Orthodox doctrine.

It distinguishes patristic theological authority from academic qualifications, institutional rank, or majority opinion.

Appendix B. The Canonical Case Against the OCU (pp. 898–914)

Presents the authors' arguments against the canonical legitimacy of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. It examines Constantinople's jurisdiction, the deposition of Filaret Denysenko, the episcopal succession of participating bodies, and the legitimacy of the 2019 Tomos of Autocephaly.

III. The Most Important Ecclesiological Teachings

Beyond its criticisms of Patriarch Kirill, the book contains a fairly elaborate ecclesiology. Six particular positions deserve attention.

1. Heresy exists before synodal condemnation

The authors repeatedly insist upon a distinction between the existence of doctrinal error and its formal canonical condemnation.

Their position can be summarized as follows:

  • Heresy is recognizable through its contradiction of the received Orthodox Faith.
  • A synod possesses authority to pronounce ecclesiastical judgments, including deposition and excommunication.
  • Nevertheless, heresy does not become heresy only when a synod condemns it.
  • Therefore, Orthodox Christians may recognize and resist publicly preached heresy before a synod has formally acted.

For the authors, Canon 15 does not require a prior conciliar condemnation of the particular hierarch or his particular teaching in order to justify cessation of commemoration.

This distinction is fundamental to their treatment of the Russian New Martyrs, St. Maximus the Confessor, St. Hypatius, and Patriarch Kirill.

2. Cessation of commemoration is not equivalent to deposition

The book distinguishes between two different ecclesiastical acts.

Cessation of commemoration

Formal synodal judgment

May precede conciliar examination

Results from ecclesiastical adjudication

Expresses refusal of communion with publicly preached heresy

Determines canonical guilt and penalties

Does not itself remove a bishop from office

May depose or excommunicate a bishop

Does not establish a new hierarchy

Can formally regulate ecclesiastical governance

The authors maintain that a bishop may remain an officeholder in the external canonical order even when clergy and faithful have sufficient grounds to refuse his commemoration.

Consequently, their position does not require the conclusion that Kirill has already been formally deprived of his episcopal office.

3. Communion with heresy can cause spiritual contamination without automatically invalidating the Mysteries

Chapter 25 is especially important here.

The authors explicitly distinguish between the Donatist understanding of sacramental invalidity and their own understanding of contamination through ecclesiastical communion.

They reject the proposition that a priest's personal moral unworthiness necessarily renders his sacramental actions invalid.

However, they argue that communion with a hierarch publicly professing heresy can defile participation in the Mysteries and compromise their saving benefit.

This means that the authors recognize a difference between:

  • The objective reality of a Mystery.
  • The orthodoxy of the ecclesiastical context in which it is celebrated.
  • The spiritual condition of the person receiving it.
  • The saving or condemnatory consequences of participation.

They do not maintain that the Moscow Patriarchate has automatically become devoid of sacramental grace.

Their argument is instead that real Mysteries can be approached in spiritually harmful circumstances.

This is the book's interpretation of the patristic teaching concerning contamination (μολυσμός) through communion with heresy.

4. Pastoral accommodation does not abolish the stricter canonical standard

Chapter 26 addresses people who remain in ecclesiastical communion with compromised hierarchs because of ignorance, spiritual weakness, or the absence of an accessible alternative.

The authors cite Metropolitan Cyril of Kazan and Bishop Artemije of Raška-Prizren as precedents for pastoral accommodation.

They argue that such accommodation may be legitimate, without making the compromised situation the theological ideal.

Accordingly, they distinguish between knowingly participating in communion they regard as contaminated and receiving the Mysteries under circumstances of ignorance or necessity.

There is an evident tension here between the book's categorical language about separation from heresy and its acknowledgment of legitimate pastoral exceptions. Its treatment of this tension is one of the most significant questions for a careful ecclesiological reading.

5. Opposition to heresy does not justify parallel ecclesiastical jurisdictions

The authors regard cessation of commemoration as a means of resisting heresy while maintaining canonical ecclesiastical order.

They specifically reject using it as the basis for establishing alternative hierarchies.

Chapter 29 is especially explicit on this point.

The authors criticize the Old Calendarist movement, asserting that its response to modernism and ecumenism eventually produced unjustified parallel ecclesiastical structures.

At the same time, they concede that the failures of the official Orthodox hierarchies have contributed to these divisions.

The authors propose the examples of St. Paisios the Athonite and Metropolitan Augoustinos Kantiotes as preferable models: resisting ecumenism without transferring allegiance to a separate traditionalist synod.

This is a major feature of the book's ecclesiology and distinguishes its program from that of many traditionalist Orthodox groups.

6. The saints may be mistaken in particular matters without ceasing to be saints

Chapter 30 offers an important qualification to the authors' extensive appeal to patristic consensus.

They acknowledge that holy persons have occasionally expressed mistaken opinions or defended problematic ecclesiastical policies.

Consequently, individual statements by saints cannot always be treated as definitive expressions of Orthodox doctrine.

The authors use this distinction to explain how certain Russian saints or revered elders could have defended Sergianism without necessarily forfeiting their sanctity.

Their principle is that the broader consensus of the Fathers must take precedence over isolated and potentially mistaken statements by individual holy persons.

IV. Particular Significance for ROCOR

One of the book's most important underlying purposes is to challenge ROCOR's contemporary relationship with the Moscow Patriarchate.

The authors argue that ROCOR once maintained a principled separation from Metropolitan Sergius and his successors because of their accommodation of Soviet power.

They invoke Metropolitan Anastassy's testimony, Metropolitan Philaret's anti-ecumenist writings, the 1971 ROCOR Council, and the 1983 Anathema Against Ecumenism.

They then contrast this historical resistance with ROCOR's restoration of communion with Moscow in 2007 and its continued commemoration of Patriarch Kirill.

Their essential argument is that the ecclesiastical principles once invoked to justify separation from Sergius should be applied consistently to Kirill.

The book therefore raises three questions about ROCOR:

  1. If Soviet political accommodation justified prolonged ecclesiastical separation, why does the contemporary justification of military aggression not warrant a comparable response?
  2. How can ROCOR reconcile its historical condemnation of ecumenism with communion with a patriarch whose activities the authors consider ecumenist?
  3. Does continued liturgical commemoration of Kirill imply an ecclesiastical responsibility that ROCOR has not adequately acknowledged?

The authors recognize that individual ROCOR hierarchs and clergy have criticized the war and supported suffering Ukrainians. Nevertheless, they regard the Synod's continued commemoration of Kirill as an unresolved ecclesiastical contradiction.

Their concern is therefore not simply ROCOR's failure to condemn Russian military actions. It is the question of whether ROCOR has abandoned the ecclesiastical principles upon which its historical resistance to Sergianism rested.

V. The Authors' Overall Ecclesiological Position

The entire work can be reduced to five interconnected propositions:

1. The Faith precedes institutional authority.

Hierarchs and synods must be evaluated according to Holy Tradition, rather than making their official decisions the ultimate criterion of Orthodoxy.

2. Public heresy can be recognized before formal condemnation.

Orthodox Christians need not await a synodal judgment before identifying and resisting openly preached doctrinal errors.

3. Cessation of commemoration is a legitimate canonical defense.

The authors regard it as the appropriate response to Kirill's public teachings, without presuming to depose him.

4. Resistance must not become schism.

The rejection of heresy does not authorize independent hierarchies, indiscriminate declarations of gracelessness, or the repudiation of saints associated with compromised ecclesiastical administrations.

5. The faithful have a responsibility to defend Orthodoxy.

This responsibility extends beyond the episcopate to priests, monastics, and laypeople, and includes the obligation to speak against publicly taught errors.

VI. Assessment of the Work

The book is distinctive in several respects.

First, it combines traditional anti-ecumenist ecclesiology with a forceful rejection of Russian religious nationalism and the theological justification of warfare. The authors do not regard opposition to Western religious liberalism as sufficient evidence of fidelity to Orthodox Tradition.

Second, they make considerable use of Russian Orthodox witnesses against the present Moscow Patriarchate. By citing the Russian New Martyrs, ROCOR hierarchs, St. Ignatius Brianchaninov, Hieromartyr Daniel Sysoev, and other Russian authorities, they seek to demonstrate that their criticism does not arise from hostility toward the Russian people or Russian Orthodoxy.

Third, their ecclesiology is deliberately opposed to two different tendencies: accommodation of openly preached heresy within established ecclesiastical institutions, and the establishment of separate traditionalist ecclesiastical bodies in response to such accommodation.

Fourth, their treatment of the Mysteries is more qualified than their uncompromising criticism of Kirill might initially suggest. They do not simply assert that communion with a compromised hierarch automatically renders every sacrament invalid.

There are also important interpretive questions to consider.

The authors' argument that a teaching constitutes heresy is not identical to an established conciliar determination that it does. Their historical quotations, documentary evidence, and canonical conclusions should therefore be distinguished from one another.

Similarly, the volume frequently moves from historical instances of resistance to broader assertions about what all Orthodox Christians ought to do. Whether those historical cases establish a universally binding obligation requires additional canonical analysis.

Finally, the authors' reliance upon the consensus patrum is central to the whole project. The sheer number of patristic quotations is impressive, but a genuine consensus must also be established through careful attention to context, canonical circumstances, and the authority of particular witnesses—not simply by accumulating statements that support a conclusion.

These observations do not negate the significance of the book. They identify where its central ecclesiological arguments require the closest examination.

VII. Final Summary

The Heresy of Patriarch Kirill is fundamentally a work about the relationship between Orthodox doctrine, ecclesiastical authority, and the obligation to resist heresy.

Patriarch Kirill serves as the principal case study, but the underlying questions extend to the Orthodox Church as a whole.

Can a patriarch publicly depart from Orthodox teaching while retaining his canonical office? Can clergy and faithful recognize and resist such departures before a synod intervenes? Does continued commemoration implicate them in his errors? Can they withdraw from that communion without forming a schism? And how can the Church preserve her unity without confusing unity with unconditional obedience to ecclesiastical authorities?

The authors answer by appealing to the canonical legitimacy of cessation of commemoration, the continuing responsibility of the faithful to preserve the Orthodox confession, and the rejection of parallel ecclesiastical jurisdictions.

For a reader principally interested in Orthodox ecclesiology rather than the political controversy surrounding Patriarch Kirill, Chapters 23–26 and 29–30, together with Appendix A, constitute the most substantial and directly relevant portion of the book.

These chapters contain its principal treatment of Canon 15, the relationship between heresy and synodal judgment, contamination through ecclesiastical communion, the validity of the Mysteries, pastoral accommodation, and the distinction between legitimate resistance and schism.

The remaining chapters supply the factual and theological accusations intended to demonstrate why the authors believe those principles should be applied specifically to Patriarch Kirill.

 

Tuesday, October 27, 2026

“A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.”

Because some unjustly accuse contemporary Saints, such as…, for not discerning the malice of Patriarch Bartholomew, let them hear the following relevant explanation of a Saint:

A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.

They deceive themselves who speak self-confidently that they know men well enough, and that they do not allow themselves to be deceived. Who can know what kind of spirit is in a man—except only God, Who knows the secrets of the heart? Even the great saints were mistaken about people. For example: for a long time, St. Basil considered a certain hypocritical heretic to be a holy man, and he defended him from many attackers until, finally, convinced of the heretic’s falseness, Basil was bitterly disappointed. St. Gregory the Theologian baptized a certain philosopher, Maximus by name, and liked him so much that he kept the philosopher in his home, sharing his table with him. However, this Maximus was as dangerous and cunning as a serpent. After a period of time, through intrigue and bribes, Maximus convinced numerous Constantinopolitans to recognize him as patriarch in place of St. Gregory. When, after great confusion, this trial was removed, some rebuked Gregory for having kept his greatest enemy with him. The saint replied: “We are not to blame if we do not discern someone’s evil. God alone knows the inner secrets of a man. And we are told by the commandments to open our hearts with fatherly love to all who come to us.” A good man cannot easily understand the malice of a malevolent man.

- St. Nikolai Velimirović, The Prologue from Ohrid, January 25.

 


St. Anthony of Kiev to Hieroschemamonk Theodosius on the Calendar Reform: “I completely disagree with your arguments…”

Letter No. 99 | April 18, 1932

 

 

Truly, Christ is Risen!

Rejoice! It is heard everywhere that the Greeks want to return to the old calendar and then your bewilderment will end. Of course, I completely disagree with your arguments: the question remains as to what to recognize as Holy Tradition, and recognizing its violation by, say, the Greeks, one must raise another question as to whether such a violation deserves ecclesiastical disunity [1] or only admonition. You, father, are one step away from falling into prelest; [2] may the Mother of God protect you from further steps. I am writing to you, as a benevolent friend, so you do not ruin your 40-year-old pódvig [3] by splitting with the Church on the basis of external formalism, which is, moreover, arbitrary. The new calendar is no less repugnant to me than for you, but even more repugnant is the separation from Orthodoxy and its hierarchy by self-willed monks. However, God willing, this will soon end successfully with the victory of the old calendar over the new. Of course, I was not invited to the Council. [4] The Greeks hate me for not sympathizing with their insolence, and do not even mention my name in their correspondence about the conciliar affairs to come. I have mentioned nothing but the most disapproving comments on the new calendar, and do not want to interfere in this matter.

I ask your holy prayers and remain your well-wisher.

Metropolitan Antony

 

NOTES

1. Ecclesiastical disunity refers to αποτείχιση (apoteíchisi), or “walling off,” as prescribed by Canon 15 of the First-Second Synod of Constantinople (861).

2. Prelest (прелесть) is spiritual delusion or deception.

3. Pódvig (по́двиг), in this context, is an ascetic struggle.

4. This refers to the upcoming Eighth Ecumenical Synod, which never occurred. Constantinople had promised the monks of Mount Athos in 1927 that the imposition of the new calendar was provisional, and the new calendar would be evaluated at the forthcoming Synod.

 

Russian source: https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Antonij_Hrapovickij/pisma/#0_101.

Adapted from the English translation by Deacon Fr. Lev Puhalo.

“The Voice of Mount Athos”: Athonite Elder Hieroschemamonk Theodosios of Karoulia on the Old and New Calendars


 

On the day when Christians of the Western tradition, as well as some Orthodox Christians under their influence, celebrate the Nativity of Christ on December 12/25 according to the Gregorian calendar, introduced by Pope Gregory XIII in 1582 to replace the earlier Julian calendar, we present to readers of the Russian Athos website an article by the Athonite Elder Theodosios (Kharitonov, 1869–1937) of Karoulia concerning the attitude of the ascetics of Mount Athos toward the New and Old Calendars in the Church’s liturgical tradition.

The Athonite Elder Theodosios (in the world, Vasily Vasilyevich Kharitonov) [1] was an outstanding Russian Athonite ascetic, hesychast, and hermit of Karoulia. He was born in 1869 in Saratov Province. After graduating from the Kazan Theological Academy with a master’s degree in theology, he served for a time as a supervisor at the Simferopol Theological Seminary, and subsequently for five years as an inspector at the Vologda Theological Seminary. At the beginning of the twentieth century, he departed for the Holy Mountain of Athos. There he participated in demonstrating the erroneous nature of the teaching of Name-Worshipping (Imiaslavie), for which he received high praise from many prominent Orthodox hierarchs. His writings were commended by Emperor Nicholas II, while the Most Holy Synod awarded him a certificate of commendation and presented him with an icon of the All-Merciful Savior as a blessing.

Elder Theodosios composed a substantial work in defense of the Orthodox Julian calendar. He corresponded with many prominent hierarchs, particularly Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) and others. In 1915, with the blessing of Abbot Misail (Sapegin) of the Athonite Monastery of St. Panteleimon, he settled in the most austere region of Mount Athos—Karoulia—where he established a small monastic hermitage with a church dedicated to the Holy Trinity. He had many disciples. He reposed in 1938, in the seventieth year of his life.

* * *

THE VOICE OF HOLY MOUNT ATHOS

He who defends the canons and decrees of the Holy Fathers of the Seven Ecumenical Councils is, in effect, defending dogma itself. If anyone is called upon to suffer for the truth, this shall be accounted to him by the Lord God as martyrdom. Let us faithfully preserve the precepts of the Holy Fathers, helping one another to safeguard our Orthodox Faith and, with God's help, to repel the impious innovations of the Living Church reformers and other renegades and schismatics.

Let no one turn us aside from the ways of the Lord! Have nothing to do with those who have separated themselves from the Church, having dared to violate the decree of the Holy and Great Council held at Nicaea concerning the holy feast of Pascha and the ecclesiastical calendar. “The Holy Council henceforth condemns such persons as being outside the Church. And not only does the Council depose such persons from the sacred ministry, but also all who dare to remain in communion with them.”

The Third Discourse of St. John Chrysostom, which emphasizes the great importance and irrevocable authority of the decree concerning Pascha established by the Holy Fathers of the First Ecumenical Council, and connected with the Old Calendar, equally condemns both the ancient violators of this decree and the modern New Calendarists. For, in the ancient and trustworthy explanation of this decree preserved in the epistle of the Holy Emperor Constantine, Equal-to-the-Apostles, it is clearly stated: “Having rejected their customs, that is, those of the Jews, it would be far better to continue for all generations to come that true order which we have observed from the very time of Christ’s Passion until the present day.”

We are living through an extraordinary time, when those who truly believe constitute a minority, as in the days of the Iconoclasts and Monothelites. At the same time, the innovation of the New Calendar is being imposed upon the Orthodox with haste and coercion.

However, we must not judge who is right, who is within the Church, and who is outside her on the basis of the present abnormal state of ecclesiastical affairs. Rather, the present state of the Church, disturbed by the New Calendarist innovation, must itself be examined in the light of the divine laws preserved among us Orthodox, after the Holy Scriptures, in Holy Tradition—both written, in the canons of the Councils, and unwritten, in the practice of the Church—both of which possess equal authority. [2]

We must now determine catholic truth not by the consciousness of the Church as a whole, which is lacking among us at the present time, but by the Tradition of the whole Church, in agreement with the ancient Church, when, concerning the present painful question of the ecclesiastical calendar, there was no division whatsoever, but, on the contrary, complete unanimity among all, confirmed by repeated Local Councils and regional Synods.

Guided above all by this principle as the criterion of catholic ecclesiastical truth, St. Maximus the Confessor rejected the Monothelite heresy as an innovation and resolutely refused to receive Communion with the Monothelite Patriarch, even if the entire world were to receive Communion with him. [3] Likewise, many confessors and martyrs who suffered for the holy icons rose up against Iconoclasm immediately upon its proclamation, without waiting for a Council.

Holy Tradition is a simple, clear, and accessible criterion of catholic ecclesiastical truth, even for ordinary believers. As the Hieromartyr Cyprian of Carthage says: “It is easy for devout and simple souls to avoid error and find the truth, for as soon as they turn to the source of Divine Tradition, error disappears.” Or, in the words of St. John Chrysostom: “It is Tradition; seek nothing further.”

We must believe in Holy Tradition, just as in Holy Scripture, and interpret it according to Tradition itself—that is, according to the mind of the Church that preceded us, and not according to our own judgment or the present abnormal state of ecclesiastical affairs. It is likewise by Tradition that we must determine who is now a true son of the Church and who is a schismatic. In this sense, St. Maximus the Confessor declared: “Christ called the right and saving confession of faith the Catholic Church.”

“The preservation of Holy Tradition,” says Patriarch Joachim III, “is a mark of Orthodoxy.” And this is, above all, the most reliable criterion for examining the present troubled state of ecclesiastical affairs and determining who is Orthodox and who is a schismatic.

The Fathers of the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias regarded the Old Calendar, together with the Paschalion, as not only founded upon ecclesiastical custom but also sanctioned by the Seven Ecumenical Councils. They regarded those who followed the New Calendar as opponents of the decrees of all the Councils and, consequently, as subject to the conciliar anathemas. In other words, the Fathers of the Council considered the calendar question itself to be a canonical matter.

The Fathers of the Council were right to appeal in their decision to all the Ecumenical Councils, just as the defenders of the veneration of the holy icons were right when they confessed at the Seventh Ecumenical Council that they “follow the divinely inspired teaching of the Holy Fathers and the Tradition of the Catholic Church.” And when the Iconoclasts objected that the Ecumenical Councils had enacted no decree concerning icons, they replied that the Ecumenical Councils, which had for the most part been held in holy churches adorned with holy icons, had, by their tacit preservation of a custom dating from the earliest times, sanctioned the veneration of icons no less than they would have done by any explicit canon.

In this same sense, the [Local] Council held under Patriarch Jeremias II, in confirmation of the canonical obligation to observe its decision concerning the ecclesiastical calendar, appeals, like the Fathers of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, to custom—that is, to the ecclesiastical practice known and observed by all the Ecumenical Councils—as constituting “the teaching of the Holy Fathers and the Tradition of the Catholic Church.”

Therefore, just as even before the Seventh Ecumenical Council, which formally sanctioned the veneration of icons and anathematized Iconoclasm, the anathemas already rested upon the Iconoclasts as despisers of ecclesiastical custom—that is, of the unwritten Tradition of the Church concerning the holy icons—so too does the same anathema rest upon those who despise another ecclesiastical custom, likewise constituting unwritten Tradition, concerning the ecclesiastical calendar.

And the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias II rightly reaffirmed the anathema against both the old and the new proponents of the New Calendar, an anathema already resting upon them by virtue of the unwritten Tradition known and preserved by all the Ecumenical Councils. Moreover, the fact that the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias took place 300 years ago not only does not diminish the force of its anathema but, on the contrary, strengthens it, as is the case with everything sanctified by the antiquity of ecclesiastical tradition. [4]

The question of the ecclesiastical calendar was regarded as a canonical matter not only by the Council held under Patriarch Jeremias, but also by the succeeding Ecumenical Patriarchs and other Primates of the Churches, together with their Synods. Over the course of the following three centuries, a whole succession of Ecumenical Patriarchs spoke out resolutely against the Gregorian calendar, judging it in the spirit of the conciliar decree issued under Patriarch Jeremias and exhorting the Orthodox to avoid it [the Gregorian calendar] as a betrayal of Orthodoxy and a departure from the precepts of the Holy Fathers.

Similar to the Sigillion of Patriarch Jeremias, but containing even more severe prohibitions, another Sigillion was issued in 1756—the Encyclical of Patriarch Cyril V of Constantinople—in which those introducing innovations are declared excommunicated from God under the terrible and eternal anathemas of all the Patriarchs and Councils. In another similar Encyclical of the One Catholic and Apostolic Church, addressed to all Orthodox Christians, Patriarchs Anthimos, Hierotheos, Methodios, and Cyril testify: “Among us, neither Patriarchs nor Councils have ever been able to introduce anything new... Therefore, all who introduce innovations... have willingly clothed themselves with cursing as with a garment” (Ps. 108:18).

In accordance with the actions of the Ecumenical Patriarchs regarding the New Calendar, the Patriarchs of Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, as well as the Archbishops of Cyprus, likewise sought to safeguard their flocks by issuing epistles and official letters explaining the true significance of the Gregorian calendar, emphasizing its connection, as had the conciliar decree issued under Patriarch Jeremias, with a whole series of innovations devised by the Papacy.

In more recent times, in 1902–1904, the Primates of all the Autocephalous Orthodox Churches officially expressed their views on the question of reforming the ecclesiastical calendar. Their assessment of the question resulted in a rejection of calendar reform on grounds of faith and out of concern that it would provoke ecclesiastical turmoil.

Likewise, the Russian Orthodox Church, at its Council of 1917–1918, resolved to retain the Old Calendar on ecclesiastical and canonical grounds.

In 1923, it once again reaffirmed the Council’s decision concerning the calendar and refused to introduce the Gregorian calendar into ecclesiastical practice, despite the coercion of the godless Bolshevik authorities.

Finally, four Councils of Orthodox hierarchs abroad unanimously and in complete agreement rejected the New Calendar, [5] regarding it as wholly inadmissible on the basis of the canons and ecclesiastical practice, and because it had been placed under the anathemas of all the Eastern Patriarchs.

Such is the universal canonical truth concerning the ecclesiastical calendar.

After this, let us say, in the words of Blessed Augustine concerning the Pelagian heresy: “Is it really necessary to convene a Council in order to expose so manifest a cause of perdition? As though no heresy had ever been condemned without the convocation of a Council, whereas, on the contrary, very few heresies are known for whose condemnation such a necessity arose. Many heresies, indeed the greater number, were justly condemned in the very places where they appeared, and from there news of their condemnation was communicated to all the other Churches as a warning.”

What the Blessed Father said concerning the Pelagian heresy, which was condemned only by the Local Council of Carthage and yet was thereby rejected by the entire Orthodox Church, applies equally to the New Calendar, which has been condemned not by one Council alone, but by numerous Councils and Synods, whose decisions were not rejected but accepted by all the Orthodox Churches, after they had been duly informed of them.

The ancient practice of the Church as a whole concerning the ecclesiastical calendar has the same authority as the canons. Likewise, the modern Latin heresy has not been condemned by any Ecumenical Council, since it arose after them, but only by those same Local Councils of Constantinople. Nevertheless, by virtue of the established universal practice of the Church, all Orthodox regard the Latins as heretics. In the same way, by virtue of this same ecclesiastical practice, we must regard our own New Calendarists as schismatics.

In conclusion, let us summarize all such considerations concerning the calendar and draw their logical conclusion.

1. The question of the ecclesiastical calendar is a matter of faith and canonical order.

2. The Old Calendar, Julian in origin and ecclesiastical in its usage, is canonically obligatory, especially in connection with the Paschalion and the liturgical Typikon.

3. The New Gregorian [Calendar], on the other hand, which inevitably leads to violations of the Paschalion and the liturgical Typikon, is, by contrast, canonically prohibited, both by virtue of the general canonical rules requiring the observance of the unwritten Tradition of the Church—that is, ecclesiastical practice—under pain of anathema for its violation [6], and, in particular, by virtue of the specific conciliar decree on this matter issued under Patriarch Jeremias, which was accepted by the consciousness of the Church as a whole, as repeatedly expressed at Local Councils and by individual zealots of Orthodoxy.

The logical conclusion to be drawn from this summary is as follows:

4. The New Calendarists, who through their self-willed and disorderly innovation violate, as has been demonstrated, both written and unwritten Tradition, have willingly clothed themselves with cursing as with a garment (Ps. 108:18), to use the expression of the Encyclical of 1848, signed by four Patriarchs and numerous Fathers of the Council.

5. In accordance with the canons of the Church, which prohibit prayerful communion with those who have been excommunicated, ecclesiastical communion with such persons is reprehensible and entails the threat of the same punishment as theirs. [7] Separation from them, on the other hand, is praiseworthy even before any judgment has been pronounced against them. [8]

Guided by these convictions and striving to remain faithful to Tradition, the true believers, by the mercy of God, are not troubled in conscience, whatever premature judgments may be passed upon them by those who do not share their convictions.

Having in their favor such testimony from the Holy Fathers of the invisible, triumphant Church, they are at the same time not deprived of a voice of encouragement from the visible, militant Church—from contemporary pastors, zealots of the Church of their homeland—in the hope that, sooner or later, the voice of ecclesiastical truth will prevail. Amen.

Holy Mountain of Athos, 1934

 

NOTES

1. The Athonite Elder and hermit, Hieroschemamonk Theodosios of Karoulia (1869–1937). He graduated from the Kazan Theological Academy and became a professor of theology. Having renounced the world, he withdrew to Mount Athos, from where he wrote polemical letters to Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky) and Professor N. N. Glubokovsky. He stood firmly for the purity of True Orthodoxy. A week before his repose, the Elder said to his disciple Alypios: “I shall die on the Feast of the Protection of the Most Holy Theotokos, and you will die on the third day after me.” And so it came to pass.

2. Canon 91 of St. Basil the Great, p. 477.

3. Lives of the Saints (Chetii-Minei), January 21.

4. Canon 91 of St. Basil the Great, p. 477.

5. The four Councils held abroad in 1923, 1924, 1926, and 1931.

6. Acts of the Sixth Ecumenical Council.

7. Apostolic Canon 10; Canon 2 of the Council of Antioch; Canon 33 of the Council of Laodicea.

8. Canon 1 of the Council of Antioch; Canon 15 of the First-Second Council.

 

Russian source:

https://afonit.info/biblioteka/nasledie-svyatoj-gory/o-novom-i-starom-stile

 

 

Do We Feel Ourselves Wronged? React immediately

In our daily life, the feeling of being wronged preoccupies us greatly. In every kind of relationship, we feel that others wrong us, that w...